Monday, July 28, 2008
Sati in the Ancient Tamil Literature
A paper presented at South Indian History Congress held at
Calicut from February 1-3, 1991.
1. Introduction: Roop Kanwar’s sati has created a great furor among the historians and scholars in recent times. Their reactions varied from the condemnations of such obscurantist practices to writing books giving historical background and origin of sati. The Greek, Roman and Scythian origins have been attributed, as it has great impact on the psyche of women even today in northern India.
1.1. It has been argued by them that sati, now popularly known and understood as the practice of widow-burning did not originate from the ancient Indians, as it is commonly believed sand propagated, but had roots in the ancient Egypt, Greek, and other European civilizations. It was among the Gauls, the Goths, the Norwegians, the Celts, the Slavs and the Tharcians. In Egypt, the processions of a king, Pharoah were buried along with him or a pyramid built over his body, while in Greece women entered into the pyres of their dead husbands. Similar pyre sacrifices were prevalent among almost all ethnic groups of Europe. In China, if a widow killed herself in order to follow her dead husband to heaven, her corpse was taken out in a great procession1. Col. James Tod mentions that Female immolation originated with the Sun-worshipping Saivas and was common to all those nations who adored this as the most splendid object of the visible creation2.
1.2. Dr. Panduranga Vaman Kane, the author of the ‘History of Dharmasastras’ has suggested that the practice might have been brought into India by Kushanas. Max Mueller has also alluded to this in his work, ‘The History of ancient Sanskrit literature’. At the time of the great controversy that raged during the legal prohibition of the sati by William Bentick, it was argued that the funeral hymn in Rigveda refers to widows ascending the funeral pyre. The case, however, would be rendered plausible only by fraudulently changing the last word of the stanza from ‘agre’ to ‘agneh’3. But, the verse in question refers to women with their husbands living coming forward to anoint corpse before it was consigned to flames and contains no reference whatsoever to any widow immolating herself on her husbands’ funeral pyre4. And the current literature that has flooded the shelves of libraries also proceed on the same lines interpreting the verses of Vedas, Dharmasastras, Epics and Puranas, and concluding that the practice developed in the early centuries of the Current Era and spread to north to the south in the tenth century. But, surprisingly in the ancient Tamil literature, there are many references about sati, though its name as such is not mentioned. From such references, the possible origin of it from the south or the prevalence of such practice in the ancient period of Tamils, even before its advent in the north is worth considering and thus studied in this paper.
2. About the word ‘Sati’: The word ‘Sati’ as such is not used, though the practice was there in the ancient period of the Tamils. Tippaydal (jumping into flames), Tikkulittal (taking bath in flames) and Udankattai erudal (entering into pyre along with the dead husband) are the expressions used. Originally, the word ‘sati’ had a wider meaning as ‘your honour’ or ‘your ladyship’ (‘bhavati’, in Sankskrit) used to address ladies. It also meant a good and virtuous woman and a loyal wife. But, only two hundred years ago, under the impact of missionary polemics, the word acquired the connotation of ‘faithful widow who burns herself with her husband’s corpse’, a meaning, which Moiner Williams gives in his Sanskrit-English dictionary. On the same argument, he defines ‘Satitva’ as ‘wifely fidelity’ (especially as evinced by cremation with a husband’s corpse). He quotes H. H. Wilson as authority in his first edition in marginal note for this definition. Now the word has been changing from virtuous woman to a loyal wife to a faithful widow burning herself on the funeral pyre of her husband to widow burning. The European conception of ‘suttee’ and its evolved understanding have led the leftist oriented intelligentsia to arrive at the present day connotation. But, in the ancient Tamil literature, the expressions Tippaydal, Tikulittal and Udankattai erudal denote only the voluntary self-immolation by the virtuous wife and it can be understood from the following discussion. Before that, the social and marital background of the ancient Tamils should be understood.
3. Kalaviyal and Karpiyal: From the ancient extant Tamil work Tolkappiyam, the Kalaviyal (order and conduct of clandestine love) and Karpiyal (order and conduct of open married life) are known. When Kalaviyal created many sociological problems or rather when it was misused and abused by men, Karanams or sacraments were introduced to discipline the erred men, Karpiyal was expounded and Karpu extolled. Karpu, the highest and exalted virtue of women, generally translated as chastity, was considered as one of the five virtuous ornaments of Tamil women. With the introduction of sacrament of marriage and connected rituals and rites, marital life was established, defined and accepted.
3.1. In ancient times, there were two forms of union of man and woman among Tamils – Kalavu and Karpu i.e, union in secrecy and union in open (as explained). But, Tolkappiyar under Agattinai grouped different forms of love and union and they are kakkilai, aintinai and peruntinai. Kakkilai or orutalaikamam was one sided love and there were three forms under this category.
ó A lover approaches an immature (pedai) or matured (perumpedai) girl to express his love.
ó The lovers are equally anxious for union, but postponed.
ó Kollerukodal or Erukodal is marrying off the girl to the person who wins down a rude bull.
The second group aintinai (Five Tinais) corresponds to the five natural divisions of land, i.e, kurinji, neydal, mullai, palai and marudam. The third group peruntinai deals with unequal and abnormal love matches, union of different varieties and their evil consequencies. The last category was of violent nature leading to madalerudhal (riding on Palmyra branch for a horse), varaippaydal (giving up life for marriage) and other peculiar practices. In any case, these violent methods adopted and adapted by men only to rouse sympathetic feelings to compensate their ugly passions and ultimately giving up their lives.
3.2. Karpiyal is definitely a form of marriage arranged by the parents of lovers and celebrated with ceremonies and rites. Perhaps, to overcome the problems of Kalaviyal, Karpiyal was developed to regulate love and union of man and woman. As there was degradation, as is evident from the verse of Tolkappiyam, the learned men had to introduce more sacraments to impose greater moral and social binding in the marital life.
3.3. Karpu was the marrying off the girl with ceremonies to a man of status acceptable to the parents of both sides (Tolkappiyam, Karpiyal.142). In cases, even where elopement took place the ceremonial union or karanam was effected (143). This karanams or the specific wedding ceremony was once common and indispensable to the members of four groups of the society (144). But, after the appearance of falsehood and immorality, Iyer introduced karanam i.e, the most elaborate ceremonies of marriage (145). These karanams imposed stringent restrictions on the marital life of men and women. Ettuttogai and Pattppattu reflect the same picture of social life consistent with Tolkappiyam. Though, Tirukkural is considered as a post-Sangam period work, it closely embraces Tolkappiyam in principle. It not only glorifies the social acceptance of one-man one-woman concept of marriage, but also the virtue of chastity.
3.4. Ancient Tamils had belief in karma and rebirth (Puram.27, 214, 236, 240). Then, the belief that a wife would have the same husband even in the forthcoming births also took deep root in the minds of women. It was taught to the women that ‘husband is everything for a woman and she should worship him as a God’. Although, ‘nothing is permanent’ concept is stressed, at the same time, the possessive nature of husband and wife was also asserted. Though there was a practice prevalent among men to have more wives, but at the same time living with a single wife was practiced as good and accepted quality of society (Puram.71, 73, 245). Similarly, husband was considered as the sole partner, protector, mentor and even God for a wife. The virtuous women were even prepared to sacrifice their body, wealth and soul for the sake of their husbands. Many verses were explicitly point out that their hair of a woman should only be touched by her husband and not by others5. Thus belief led to the shaving off hair, after the death of her husband as a part of kaimmai nonbu (penance of widowhood), if a woman did not want to perform sati. Wife was made to take part in each and every aspect of the life of her husband and she developed an attitude that she could not live without him. The concepts of karma, rebirth and having the same husband in the next birth might have encouraged women to become sati. The cruel practice of kaimmai nonbu was described in many places6. This includes shaving off of hair, removal of bangles and other ornaments, eating tasteless food prepared with a kind of low quality rice mixed with tamarind, bathing in cold water and sleeping on grass spread on the floor. And there are references in Purananuru describing how women prefer to die along with their husbands than to follow kaimmai nonbu. Therefore, it is evident that the concepts of karma and rebirth, cruelty of kaimmai nonbu and having the same husband in the next birth compelled women to perform sati. Now, the references about the incidences of ‘sati’ are discussed specifically.
4. Tolkappiyam: Tolkappiyar makes a specific reference about a virtuous wife entering into flames of the funeral pyre of her husband, when he explains about ‘tabudara’ situation and ‘tabada’ situation. The former was the situation of a man who lost his wife and the latter that of a woman who lost her husband7. In another place, he describes as to how the wife of a warrior died hugging his body on the battle field i.e, she gave up her life by embracing his head. This is known as ‘kondon talaiyodu mudinda nilai’ i.e, the situation where a wife gives up her life with the head of her dead husband. In Ramayana, we find that Mandodari died with her husband Ravana on the battle field.
5. Purananuru: It gives more details about sati. The poem 62 mentions hoe Seraman Kudakko Nedunjeraladhan and Chozhan Verpakradakkaip Peruvirakkilli fought a war with each other because of their imperialistic ambition to conquer other’s territory and died on the battle field. Their wives also died along with them, as they did not want to follow kaimmai nonbu. Eating green herbs and taking cold water bath are mentioned here as part of the procedure of kaimmai. The poet Kazhattalaiyar has described the event.
5.1. The verse 240 describes about the cremation of Ay Andiran and the death of his wives along with him. The poem specifically mentions that the bodies were burnt and his women went to devaloka – the world of gods, along with him.
5.2. The verses 245 and 247 detail about the sati of Perungopendu. She, the wife of Butappandiyan, was a learned lady with the knowledge of politics and justice. After the death of her husband, as there was no royal member to rule, the scholars and others advised her to take over the kingdom for the welfare of the people. But, without her husband, she did not want to live. She compared the living, following kaimmai nonbu with the unbroken bonded life with her husband in the next life and decided to give up her life. So she addressed the scholars like this; “Oh the learned scholars! You advice me not to die along with my husband. But, I am not a woman like one who follows kaimmai by taking a tasteless food prepared with low quality rice (like the seeds of cucumber whose surface resembles the back of a squirrel) and gingely paste but without ghee and sleeping without bed. I am prepared to take a different bed in the crematory grounds. For me, the pond with blossomed lotus and the fire with flames are one and the same”. Madurai Peralavayar, a poet was present, when she entered into the flames. That scene created an indelible impression on his mind, which resulted in the form of a poem. The place where she entered into fire was before the temple of Kadukizhal in the crematory grounds. The fire was set up ready for her with flames glowing. She came there, after taking bath with her drenched hair, went around the pyre and jumped into it, thinking only her husband.
5.3. The poem 256 is sung by an anonymous female poet. She lost her husband in a battle. As she did not want to live without her husband, she addressed the Potter: “Oh, Potter, I came here with husband just like a lizard which holds tight to the potter’s wheel even though it rotates around the axle. But, now as I have lost him, kindly manufacture a bigger tazhi, so that it can accommodate me along with him”. This implies that besides dying on the pyre along with husband or jumping into fire like Perungopendu, the practice of burying along with dead husband might have also prevalent among the ancient Tamils.
5.4 The poem 78 describes how the seven kings who opposed Talaiyalangalattu Ceru Venra Pandiyan Nedunjezhiyan were got defeated and their wives, who were having respectable ornaments, died with the shame. Here, it is really intriguing as to why their wives should die, just because they were defeated in the battle field. The poet might have implied that they might have been killed and their wives performed sati along with them in the battle field.
5.5. Marokkattu Pasalaiyar has sung the poem 280, which gives the following details: “A wife of a fallen hero says to the poet that without her husband, the Panars (singers), Viraliyars (dancers) and others may not be able to live. I do not know the fate of your lives. Your existence may be are and uncertain without him, but my existence will be more rare and uncertain without him”. In other words, she implies that she will not be alive without her husband, but as her husband was already killed in the battle and she knows the fact, according to the tradition prevailed, she might have decided to give up her life along with her husband and she would have implied this indirectly in comparing with the life of singers and dancers.
6. Kuruntogai: The verse 69 narrates how a monkey commits suicide voluntarily after making necessary arrangements for her children with her relatives, as she does not want to follow kaimmai! Actually, here the poet might have attributed the sati performed by some woman to the dying of a monkey, as a doubt arises as to whether a monkey actually sacrificed her life avoiding kaimmai! It has been clearly mentioned that the women with children need not have performed sati. Therefore, the concept of performing sati with children is against the tradition of ancient Tamils. Hence, it is evident that the poet has mentioned about sati of some women or he has clearly picturised the prevalence of the practice of sati during his period.
7. Silappadikaram and Manimekhalai: Imayavaramban Nedunjeraladhan fought a war with the contemporary Chola king, in which, both the monarchs lost their lives and their queens performed sati. Later, we find that the mother of Senguttuvan performs sati at the time of the death of her husband. Senguttuvan leads an expedition to the Himalayas to bring a stone for making an image of her mother and another for the goddess of chastity8. Though Toklappiyar mentions about sati and planting of virakkals (hero stones) in memory of fallen heroes and the six stages involved in planting, the latter-day practice of raising a cenotaph for the sati called satikal, maha satikal or mastikal is not mentioned in the ancient Tamil literature.
7.1. The six stages9 involved in planting virakkal were –
ó to find out the appropriate stone,
ó to fix an auspicious time for carving out and inscribing,
ó to get the stone bathed in sacred waters,
ó to plant in the place already fixed and
ó to celebrate it as a deity.
As Senguttuvan brought a stone and built a place of worship for the goddess of chastity, similar practice might have also been followed for the women who performed sati and such stones might have been known as saktikals and images as that of goddess of chastity.
7.2. In Manimekhalai10, we find the interesting episodes of Adhirai performing sati, when she came to know that her husband was killed in ship wreckage. Without her husband, she could not think of living, so she decided to raise fire and die by entering into it. She explained her position to the learned. Then, after having cold water bath, dressed her with new cloths, adorned her hair with fragrant flowers and applied sandal paste on her, she came to the fire which was kept ready for her. She saw surrounding people of the city and the flames glowing. Forgetting even herself, concentrating on her husband and praying to fire god requesting him to maker her to reach her husband, she jumped into the fire. The on looking people closed their eyes with anguish and sorrow. But, lo! The moment, she jumped the sandal paste on her did not dry, the flowers did not get blackened and the new dress did get affected. She appeared like Lakshmi who seated on the lotus. Though the historians are divided about the date of Silappadikaram and Manimekhalai, they cannot deny the fact that the prevalence of sati at the time of composing of the epics or during the period of the characters depicted.
8.Does Tirukkural make reference to Sati? It has already been mentioned that Tiruvalluvar has followed Tolkappiyar and not made any departure from the treatment of his subject. He has largely followed him under two main divisions of Kamattuppal and Kalavu and Karpu. This confirms that in his time, the customs has not changed and the institutions remained almost the same as that of the ancient period of the Tamils. It is well known that Tiruvalluvar does not mention about anything and everything in the same place, but in various places with implied meaning. And if he repeats any point in the same place or at different place, it is not actually he repeats, but implies another meaning. With the background of his couplets on kalavu and karpu reading the chapter Manam (Honour) with Vazhkkai Tunai nalam (Benefits of having a wife with good qualities), we can find the consistency of the subject dealt with.
8.1. Under the chapter ‘Honour’ (Manam), he explains about the importance of it and its effect on society. He says that the degraded or deviated path of the people of respected family is just like the falling of hair from the head (964). Again, in a following couplet (969), he asserts that the people who respect honour as great virtue in their life would die for its sake, just like kavariman (a kind of deer) that dies immediately, even a single hair is removed from her body. First, he compares the degraded life with the hair removed from the head and then, dying for honour with that of kavariman. In the present context, the removal of hair is very significant, as it directly points to kaimmai nonbu. And kaimmai was prescribed to women, if they did not want to or they were not in a position to perform sati.
8.2. In the chapter, “The virtue of an ideal wife”, he defines that the ideal wife is one who protects her chastity without any blemish, her husband, the established name and fame and follows the above qualities strictly (56). And in the very following couplet, he asks “What is the use of prison and other safety measures to protect the women by their counterparts, if the women cannot protect themselves?” (57). That is, he clearly implies that the self-efforts or voluntary actions to safeguard themselves are the real safety measures for protecting their respect, honour and chastity. This, he talks about the qualities of women on the earth. But, suddenly, in the following couplet (58), he tells about the place of women getting in heaven after death as follows: “If the woman has honour of worshipping her husband in the present life, she will have greater honour even in the world of gods with their blessings”. So, if a woman does not have the honour of worshipping her husband in the present life, what is her position in heavens? Suppose, if she losses her husband, what she can do? So, here, definitely, consistent with the ancient Tamil tradition, he implies that virtuous women may have to perform sati, if her husband dies, so that she can have the honour in heavens. As Valluvar lived after Tolkappiyar, definitely, he must have known the prevailing practices of Tamizhagam og his times. As he used to imply many other aspects also in an indirect way, it is evident that Valluvar has referred to sati indirectly, but, strictly in the context of ancient social life of Tamils.
8.3. The reading of ancient Tamil literature gives a picture of the following three types of chaste women:
♂ Those who die immediately the moment their husbands die
♂ After the death of husbands, those who raise fire and then perform sati and
♂ Those who follow kaimmai nonbu without dying.
In fact later, Mamimekhalai talks about these, happening in the case of chaste women (Mani.III:42-47). Kopperundevi, wife of Ariyapadaikadanda Nedunjezhiyan and Perungopendu, wife of Pudapandiyan are examples respectively for the first two categories. About the widows following kaimmai, mention has already been made. This later classification of chaste Tamil women clearly shows that sati was an accepted custom of the ancient Tamil society. However, nowhere it is mentioned that the sati was performed by force or committed against the will of the women. The cult of goddess of chastity might have been the continuance of the practice of worship of the symbols and carved stone images erected in the memory of women who performed sati. The two expeditions of Senguttuvan were for bringing a stone from the Himalayas first for his mother, who performed sati and then for the goddess of chastity confirm the rise of such cult or slow transformation of sati-worship to pattini-worship. Indeed, Manimekhalai (Chapter.6) gives a very detailed description of the cemetery and crematory grounds called Cakravalakottam in Puhar, where there were many monumental shrines built of burnt bricks of various sizes in long lines over the burials of saints, kings or wives who performed sati along with their husbands with the indications of their caste, ashram, sex and other details.
9. Conclusion: The present-day scholars11 who try to trace the origin of sati in India, always resort to start their studies with Rigveda and argue that the practice started only by fraudulently changing the last word of a stanza of the Rigveda from “agre” to “agneh”. At the same time they also argue that Rigveda and Dharmasasras do not ‘prescribe the practice of sati but simply points out the existence of the custom of the living woman lying with their dead husband’. The parts of Puranas belonging to the period 6th to 16th centuries glorify the rite. Nirnayasindhu and Dharmasindhu which describe the rite belong to 17th century. P. V. Kane contends that several ancient texts ascribed to Paithinasi, Angiras and Ayagrapad could be quoted to prove that self-immolation by widows was in fact absolutely forbidden. None of the Dharmasastras except Vishnu contains any reference to such burning. They also assert that ‘the earliest recorded sati in India in 317 BCE was chronicled by Alexander’s soldiers in Punjab and the latest in 1987 in Deorala’. The practice developed in the early centuries of the current era in the north and spread to the south only in the 10th century. But, all of these scholars have not considered the prevalence of such practice in the south in the same period or perhaps even before the advent of the Christ. Though A. S. Atlekar mentions about the sati of Perungopendu, he throws suspicion over her historicity itself. Though Buddhist literature, Megasthenes and Kautilya do not mention the custom, more importance and cognizance are given to the Greek writers for recording the ‘first sati performed in India’, ignoring the literary evidence of the ancient Tamils. As Kharavela and Adokan inscriptions make specific references about the confederation of Tamil kings, Pandiyas and Cholas, their existence cannot be ignored altogether. Unless coordinated and correlated study numismatics and epigraphic evidences with the literary evidences pointed out is conducted, a complete picture of any historical event or process of ancient India cannot be obtained.
9.1. Now, the majority of scholars and historians accept that the period of Sangam may be restricted to the range 300 BCE to 300 CE with all chronological puzzles. If the writings of the foreigners like Greeks and others have to be accepted by removing chaff from the grains, then the same methodology should be applied to the ancient Tamil literature also. Then only the complete history of India can be written, inscriptions and Kingdoms, kings and people can be understood in the right perspective. Therefore, if the prevalence of the practice of sati in the earliest period of the Tamils is taken into account, historians have to consider the following points:
whether the practice of sati was a Tamilian origin
Whether the practice was borrowed as propounded by some scholars.
whether the practice was spread to south from north or otherwise or
Whether the practice was independently and simultaneously prevalent at the two ends of the country and spread throughout. After considering perhaps historians may have to rewrite the history as for as sati is concerned, as it has great impact on many aspects of social sciences and particularly in history itself.
Based on the above Tamil literary evidences, it is concluded that –
The practice of sati was there since c.500-300 BCE, though the name as such is not found in the Sangam literature.
Such practice had neither any religious sanctity-influence nor compulsion supported by any religious literature.
That is prevalence of such practice had nothing to do with ‘Aryanization”, as suggested by some scholars and historians.
Notes and References
Tawney, Kathasaritsagara, Vol.I, Terminal Essay on Suttee by Pensei.
Col. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Motilal Bararasidas, New Delhi, Vol.II, 1971, p.737.
Rigveda, X.18.7.
A. S. Atlekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Motilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, 1962, p.112.
Purananuru – 113, 280; Kuruntogai – 225; Paditruppattu – 44.
Puram. 25, 62, 230, 234, 235, 246, 250, 280.
Tolkapiyam – Poruladhikaram – Purattitaoyiyal. 79.
Silappatikaram – Kandam.25, katchi.11; 160-4; 28 (nadukal), 11:119-121; Kandam.26 (Kalkot), 11, 188-220.
Tolkappiyam – Porul.60.
Manimekhalai.16.23-24.
V. N. Datta, Sati: Widow Burning in India, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1988.
Arvind Sharma,(Rd.), Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays, Motoilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, 1989.
Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati: A Study of Widow Burning in India, Viking, New Delhi, 1990.
A. S. Atlekar, opt.cit., p.128.
A paper presented at South Indian History Congress held at
Calicut from February 1-3, 1991.
1. Introduction: Roop Kanwar’s sati has created a great furor among the historians and scholars in recent times. Their reactions varied from the condemnations of such obscurantist practices to writing books giving historical background and origin of sati. The Greek, Roman and Scythian origins have been attributed, as it has great impact on the psyche of women even today in northern India.
1.1. It has been argued by them that sati, now popularly known and understood as the practice of widow-burning did not originate from the ancient Indians, as it is commonly believed sand propagated, but had roots in the ancient Egypt, Greek, and other European civilizations. It was among the Gauls, the Goths, the Norwegians, the Celts, the Slavs and the Tharcians. In Egypt, the processions of a king, Pharoah were buried along with him or a pyramid built over his body, while in Greece women entered into the pyres of their dead husbands. Similar pyre sacrifices were prevalent among almost all ethnic groups of Europe. In China, if a widow killed herself in order to follow her dead husband to heaven, her corpse was taken out in a great procession1. Col. James Tod mentions that Female immolation originated with the Sun-worshipping Saivas and was common to all those nations who adored this as the most splendid object of the visible creation2.
1.2. Dr. Panduranga Vaman Kane, the author of the ‘History of Dharmasastras’ has suggested that the practice might have been brought into India by Kushanas. Max Mueller has also alluded to this in his work, ‘The History of ancient Sanskrit literature’. At the time of the great controversy that raged during the legal prohibition of the sati by William Bentick, it was argued that the funeral hymn in Rigveda refers to widows ascending the funeral pyre. The case, however, would be rendered plausible only by fraudulently changing the last word of the stanza from ‘agre’ to ‘agneh’3. But, the verse in question refers to women with their husbands living coming forward to anoint corpse before it was consigned to flames and contains no reference whatsoever to any widow immolating herself on her husbands’ funeral pyre4. And the current literature that has flooded the shelves of libraries also proceed on the same lines interpreting the verses of Vedas, Dharmasastras, Epics and Puranas, and concluding that the practice developed in the early centuries of the Current Era and spread to north to the south in the tenth century. But, surprisingly in the ancient Tamil literature, there are many references about sati, though its name as such is not mentioned. From such references, the possible origin of it from the south or the prevalence of such practice in the ancient period of Tamils, even before its advent in the north is worth considering and thus studied in this paper.
2. About the word ‘Sati’: The word ‘Sati’ as such is not used, though the practice was there in the ancient period of the Tamils. Tippaydal (jumping into flames), Tikkulittal (taking bath in flames) and Udankattai erudal (entering into pyre along with the dead husband) are the expressions used. Originally, the word ‘sati’ had a wider meaning as ‘your honour’ or ‘your ladyship’ (‘bhavati’, in Sankskrit) used to address ladies. It also meant a good and virtuous woman and a loyal wife. But, only two hundred years ago, under the impact of missionary polemics, the word acquired the connotation of ‘faithful widow who burns herself with her husband’s corpse’, a meaning, which Moiner Williams gives in his Sanskrit-English dictionary. On the same argument, he defines ‘Satitva’ as ‘wifely fidelity’ (especially as evinced by cremation with a husband’s corpse). He quotes H. H. Wilson as authority in his first edition in marginal note for this definition. Now the word has been changing from virtuous woman to a loyal wife to a faithful widow burning herself on the funeral pyre of her husband to widow burning. The European conception of ‘suttee’ and its evolved understanding have led the leftist oriented intelligentsia to arrive at the present day connotation. But, in the ancient Tamil literature, the expressions Tippaydal, Tikulittal and Udankattai erudal denote only the voluntary self-immolation by the virtuous wife and it can be understood from the following discussion. Before that, the social and marital background of the ancient Tamils should be understood.
3. Kalaviyal and Karpiyal: From the ancient extant Tamil work Tolkappiyam, the Kalaviyal (order and conduct of clandestine love) and Karpiyal (order and conduct of open married life) are known. When Kalaviyal created many sociological problems or rather when it was misused and abused by men, Karanams or sacraments were introduced to discipline the erred men, Karpiyal was expounded and Karpu extolled. Karpu, the highest and exalted virtue of women, generally translated as chastity, was considered as one of the five virtuous ornaments of Tamil women. With the introduction of sacrament of marriage and connected rituals and rites, marital life was established, defined and accepted.
3.1. In ancient times, there were two forms of union of man and woman among Tamils – Kalavu and Karpu i.e, union in secrecy and union in open (as explained). But, Tolkappiyar under Agattinai grouped different forms of love and union and they are kakkilai, aintinai and peruntinai. Kakkilai or orutalaikamam was one sided love and there were three forms under this category.
ó A lover approaches an immature (pedai) or matured (perumpedai) girl to express his love.
ó The lovers are equally anxious for union, but postponed.
ó Kollerukodal or Erukodal is marrying off the girl to the person who wins down a rude bull.
The second group aintinai (Five Tinais) corresponds to the five natural divisions of land, i.e, kurinji, neydal, mullai, palai and marudam. The third group peruntinai deals with unequal and abnormal love matches, union of different varieties and their evil consequencies. The last category was of violent nature leading to madalerudhal (riding on Palmyra branch for a horse), varaippaydal (giving up life for marriage) and other peculiar practices. In any case, these violent methods adopted and adapted by men only to rouse sympathetic feelings to compensate their ugly passions and ultimately giving up their lives.
3.2. Karpiyal is definitely a form of marriage arranged by the parents of lovers and celebrated with ceremonies and rites. Perhaps, to overcome the problems of Kalaviyal, Karpiyal was developed to regulate love and union of man and woman. As there was degradation, as is evident from the verse of Tolkappiyam, the learned men had to introduce more sacraments to impose greater moral and social binding in the marital life.
3.3. Karpu was the marrying off the girl with ceremonies to a man of status acceptable to the parents of both sides (Tolkappiyam, Karpiyal.142). In cases, even where elopement took place the ceremonial union or karanam was effected (143). This karanams or the specific wedding ceremony was once common and indispensable to the members of four groups of the society (144). But, after the appearance of falsehood and immorality, Iyer introduced karanam i.e, the most elaborate ceremonies of marriage (145). These karanams imposed stringent restrictions on the marital life of men and women. Ettuttogai and Pattppattu reflect the same picture of social life consistent with Tolkappiyam. Though, Tirukkural is considered as a post-Sangam period work, it closely embraces Tolkappiyam in principle. It not only glorifies the social acceptance of one-man one-woman concept of marriage, but also the virtue of chastity.
3.4. Ancient Tamils had belief in karma and rebirth (Puram.27, 214, 236, 240). Then, the belief that a wife would have the same husband even in the forthcoming births also took deep root in the minds of women. It was taught to the women that ‘husband is everything for a woman and she should worship him as a God’. Although, ‘nothing is permanent’ concept is stressed, at the same time, the possessive nature of husband and wife was also asserted. Though there was a practice prevalent among men to have more wives, but at the same time living with a single wife was practiced as good and accepted quality of society (Puram.71, 73, 245). Similarly, husband was considered as the sole partner, protector, mentor and even God for a wife. The virtuous women were even prepared to sacrifice their body, wealth and soul for the sake of their husbands. Many verses were explicitly point out that their hair of a woman should only be touched by her husband and not by others5. Thus belief led to the shaving off hair, after the death of her husband as a part of kaimmai nonbu (penance of widowhood), if a woman did not want to perform sati. Wife was made to take part in each and every aspect of the life of her husband and she developed an attitude that she could not live without him. The concepts of karma, rebirth and having the same husband in the next birth might have encouraged women to become sati. The cruel practice of kaimmai nonbu was described in many places6. This includes shaving off of hair, removal of bangles and other ornaments, eating tasteless food prepared with a kind of low quality rice mixed with tamarind, bathing in cold water and sleeping on grass spread on the floor. And there are references in Purananuru describing how women prefer to die along with their husbands than to follow kaimmai nonbu. Therefore, it is evident that the concepts of karma and rebirth, cruelty of kaimmai nonbu and having the same husband in the next birth compelled women to perform sati. Now, the references about the incidences of ‘sati’ are discussed specifically.
4. Tolkappiyam: Tolkappiyar makes a specific reference about a virtuous wife entering into flames of the funeral pyre of her husband, when he explains about ‘tabudara’ situation and ‘tabada’ situation. The former was the situation of a man who lost his wife and the latter that of a woman who lost her husband7. In another place, he describes as to how the wife of a warrior died hugging his body on the battle field i.e, she gave up her life by embracing his head. This is known as ‘kondon talaiyodu mudinda nilai’ i.e, the situation where a wife gives up her life with the head of her dead husband. In Ramayana, we find that Mandodari died with her husband Ravana on the battle field.
5. Purananuru: It gives more details about sati. The poem 62 mentions hoe Seraman Kudakko Nedunjeraladhan and Chozhan Verpakradakkaip Peruvirakkilli fought a war with each other because of their imperialistic ambition to conquer other’s territory and died on the battle field. Their wives also died along with them, as they did not want to follow kaimmai nonbu. Eating green herbs and taking cold water bath are mentioned here as part of the procedure of kaimmai. The poet Kazhattalaiyar has described the event.
5.1. The verse 240 describes about the cremation of Ay Andiran and the death of his wives along with him. The poem specifically mentions that the bodies were burnt and his women went to devaloka – the world of gods, along with him.
5.2. The verses 245 and 247 detail about the sati of Perungopendu. She, the wife of Butappandiyan, was a learned lady with the knowledge of politics and justice. After the death of her husband, as there was no royal member to rule, the scholars and others advised her to take over the kingdom for the welfare of the people. But, without her husband, she did not want to live. She compared the living, following kaimmai nonbu with the unbroken bonded life with her husband in the next life and decided to give up her life. So she addressed the scholars like this; “Oh the learned scholars! You advice me not to die along with my husband. But, I am not a woman like one who follows kaimmai by taking a tasteless food prepared with low quality rice (like the seeds of cucumber whose surface resembles the back of a squirrel) and gingely paste but without ghee and sleeping without bed. I am prepared to take a different bed in the crematory grounds. For me, the pond with blossomed lotus and the fire with flames are one and the same”. Madurai Peralavayar, a poet was present, when she entered into the flames. That scene created an indelible impression on his mind, which resulted in the form of a poem. The place where she entered into fire was before the temple of Kadukizhal in the crematory grounds. The fire was set up ready for her with flames glowing. She came there, after taking bath with her drenched hair, went around the pyre and jumped into it, thinking only her husband.
5.3. The poem 256 is sung by an anonymous female poet. She lost her husband in a battle. As she did not want to live without her husband, she addressed the Potter: “Oh, Potter, I came here with husband just like a lizard which holds tight to the potter’s wheel even though it rotates around the axle. But, now as I have lost him, kindly manufacture a bigger tazhi, so that it can accommodate me along with him”. This implies that besides dying on the pyre along with husband or jumping into fire like Perungopendu, the practice of burying along with dead husband might have also prevalent among the ancient Tamils.
5.4 The poem 78 describes how the seven kings who opposed Talaiyalangalattu Ceru Venra Pandiyan Nedunjezhiyan were got defeated and their wives, who were having respectable ornaments, died with the shame. Here, it is really intriguing as to why their wives should die, just because they were defeated in the battle field. The poet might have implied that they might have been killed and their wives performed sati along with them in the battle field.
5.5. Marokkattu Pasalaiyar has sung the poem 280, which gives the following details: “A wife of a fallen hero says to the poet that without her husband, the Panars (singers), Viraliyars (dancers) and others may not be able to live. I do not know the fate of your lives. Your existence may be are and uncertain without him, but my existence will be more rare and uncertain without him”. In other words, she implies that she will not be alive without her husband, but as her husband was already killed in the battle and she knows the fact, according to the tradition prevailed, she might have decided to give up her life along with her husband and she would have implied this indirectly in comparing with the life of singers and dancers.
6. Kuruntogai: The verse 69 narrates how a monkey commits suicide voluntarily after making necessary arrangements for her children with her relatives, as she does not want to follow kaimmai! Actually, here the poet might have attributed the sati performed by some woman to the dying of a monkey, as a doubt arises as to whether a monkey actually sacrificed her life avoiding kaimmai! It has been clearly mentioned that the women with children need not have performed sati. Therefore, the concept of performing sati with children is against the tradition of ancient Tamils. Hence, it is evident that the poet has mentioned about sati of some women or he has clearly picturised the prevalence of the practice of sati during his period.
7. Silappadikaram and Manimekhalai: Imayavaramban Nedunjeraladhan fought a war with the contemporary Chola king, in which, both the monarchs lost their lives and their queens performed sati. Later, we find that the mother of Senguttuvan performs sati at the time of the death of her husband. Senguttuvan leads an expedition to the Himalayas to bring a stone for making an image of her mother and another for the goddess of chastity8. Though Toklappiyar mentions about sati and planting of virakkals (hero stones) in memory of fallen heroes and the six stages involved in planting, the latter-day practice of raising a cenotaph for the sati called satikal, maha satikal or mastikal is not mentioned in the ancient Tamil literature.
7.1. The six stages9 involved in planting virakkal were –
ó to find out the appropriate stone,
ó to fix an auspicious time for carving out and inscribing,
ó to get the stone bathed in sacred waters,
ó to plant in the place already fixed and
ó to celebrate it as a deity.
As Senguttuvan brought a stone and built a place of worship for the goddess of chastity, similar practice might have also been followed for the women who performed sati and such stones might have been known as saktikals and images as that of goddess of chastity.
7.2. In Manimekhalai10, we find the interesting episodes of Adhirai performing sati, when she came to know that her husband was killed in ship wreckage. Without her husband, she could not think of living, so she decided to raise fire and die by entering into it. She explained her position to the learned. Then, after having cold water bath, dressed her with new cloths, adorned her hair with fragrant flowers and applied sandal paste on her, she came to the fire which was kept ready for her. She saw surrounding people of the city and the flames glowing. Forgetting even herself, concentrating on her husband and praying to fire god requesting him to maker her to reach her husband, she jumped into the fire. The on looking people closed their eyes with anguish and sorrow. But, lo! The moment, she jumped the sandal paste on her did not dry, the flowers did not get blackened and the new dress did get affected. She appeared like Lakshmi who seated on the lotus. Though the historians are divided about the date of Silappadikaram and Manimekhalai, they cannot deny the fact that the prevalence of sati at the time of composing of the epics or during the period of the characters depicted.
8.Does Tirukkural make reference to Sati? It has already been mentioned that Tiruvalluvar has followed Tolkappiyar and not made any departure from the treatment of his subject. He has largely followed him under two main divisions of Kamattuppal and Kalavu and Karpu. This confirms that in his time, the customs has not changed and the institutions remained almost the same as that of the ancient period of the Tamils. It is well known that Tiruvalluvar does not mention about anything and everything in the same place, but in various places with implied meaning. And if he repeats any point in the same place or at different place, it is not actually he repeats, but implies another meaning. With the background of his couplets on kalavu and karpu reading the chapter Manam (Honour) with Vazhkkai Tunai nalam (Benefits of having a wife with good qualities), we can find the consistency of the subject dealt with.
8.1. Under the chapter ‘Honour’ (Manam), he explains about the importance of it and its effect on society. He says that the degraded or deviated path of the people of respected family is just like the falling of hair from the head (964). Again, in a following couplet (969), he asserts that the people who respect honour as great virtue in their life would die for its sake, just like kavariman (a kind of deer) that dies immediately, even a single hair is removed from her body. First, he compares the degraded life with the hair removed from the head and then, dying for honour with that of kavariman. In the present context, the removal of hair is very significant, as it directly points to kaimmai nonbu. And kaimmai was prescribed to women, if they did not want to or they were not in a position to perform sati.
8.2. In the chapter, “The virtue of an ideal wife”, he defines that the ideal wife is one who protects her chastity without any blemish, her husband, the established name and fame and follows the above qualities strictly (56). And in the very following couplet, he asks “What is the use of prison and other safety measures to protect the women by their counterparts, if the women cannot protect themselves?” (57). That is, he clearly implies that the self-efforts or voluntary actions to safeguard themselves are the real safety measures for protecting their respect, honour and chastity. This, he talks about the qualities of women on the earth. But, suddenly, in the following couplet (58), he tells about the place of women getting in heaven after death as follows: “If the woman has honour of worshipping her husband in the present life, she will have greater honour even in the world of gods with their blessings”. So, if a woman does not have the honour of worshipping her husband in the present life, what is her position in heavens? Suppose, if she losses her husband, what she can do? So, here, definitely, consistent with the ancient Tamil tradition, he implies that virtuous women may have to perform sati, if her husband dies, so that she can have the honour in heavens. As Valluvar lived after Tolkappiyar, definitely, he must have known the prevailing practices of Tamizhagam og his times. As he used to imply many other aspects also in an indirect way, it is evident that Valluvar has referred to sati indirectly, but, strictly in the context of ancient social life of Tamils.
8.3. The reading of ancient Tamil literature gives a picture of the following three types of chaste women:
♂ Those who die immediately the moment their husbands die
♂ After the death of husbands, those who raise fire and then perform sati and
♂ Those who follow kaimmai nonbu without dying.
In fact later, Mamimekhalai talks about these, happening in the case of chaste women (Mani.III:42-47). Kopperundevi, wife of Ariyapadaikadanda Nedunjezhiyan and Perungopendu, wife of Pudapandiyan are examples respectively for the first two categories. About the widows following kaimmai, mention has already been made. This later classification of chaste Tamil women clearly shows that sati was an accepted custom of the ancient Tamil society. However, nowhere it is mentioned that the sati was performed by force or committed against the will of the women. The cult of goddess of chastity might have been the continuance of the practice of worship of the symbols and carved stone images erected in the memory of women who performed sati. The two expeditions of Senguttuvan were for bringing a stone from the Himalayas first for his mother, who performed sati and then for the goddess of chastity confirm the rise of such cult or slow transformation of sati-worship to pattini-worship. Indeed, Manimekhalai (Chapter.6) gives a very detailed description of the cemetery and crematory grounds called Cakravalakottam in Puhar, where there were many monumental shrines built of burnt bricks of various sizes in long lines over the burials of saints, kings or wives who performed sati along with their husbands with the indications of their caste, ashram, sex and other details.
9. Conclusion: The present-day scholars11 who try to trace the origin of sati in India, always resort to start their studies with Rigveda and argue that the practice started only by fraudulently changing the last word of a stanza of the Rigveda from “agre” to “agneh”. At the same time they also argue that Rigveda and Dharmasasras do not ‘prescribe the practice of sati but simply points out the existence of the custom of the living woman lying with their dead husband’. The parts of Puranas belonging to the period 6th to 16th centuries glorify the rite. Nirnayasindhu and Dharmasindhu which describe the rite belong to 17th century. P. V. Kane contends that several ancient texts ascribed to Paithinasi, Angiras and Ayagrapad could be quoted to prove that self-immolation by widows was in fact absolutely forbidden. None of the Dharmasastras except Vishnu contains any reference to such burning. They also assert that ‘the earliest recorded sati in India in 317 BCE was chronicled by Alexander’s soldiers in Punjab and the latest in 1987 in Deorala’. The practice developed in the early centuries of the current era in the north and spread to the south only in the 10th century. But, all of these scholars have not considered the prevalence of such practice in the south in the same period or perhaps even before the advent of the Christ. Though A. S. Atlekar mentions about the sati of Perungopendu, he throws suspicion over her historicity itself. Though Buddhist literature, Megasthenes and Kautilya do not mention the custom, more importance and cognizance are given to the Greek writers for recording the ‘first sati performed in India’, ignoring the literary evidence of the ancient Tamils. As Kharavela and Adokan inscriptions make specific references about the confederation of Tamil kings, Pandiyas and Cholas, their existence cannot be ignored altogether. Unless coordinated and correlated study numismatics and epigraphic evidences with the literary evidences pointed out is conducted, a complete picture of any historical event or process of ancient India cannot be obtained.
9.1. Now, the majority of scholars and historians accept that the period of Sangam may be restricted to the range 300 BCE to 300 CE with all chronological puzzles. If the writings of the foreigners like Greeks and others have to be accepted by removing chaff from the grains, then the same methodology should be applied to the ancient Tamil literature also. Then only the complete history of India can be written, inscriptions and Kingdoms, kings and people can be understood in the right perspective. Therefore, if the prevalence of the practice of sati in the earliest period of the Tamils is taken into account, historians have to consider the following points:
whether the practice of sati was a Tamilian origin
Whether the practice was borrowed as propounded by some scholars.
whether the practice was spread to south from north or otherwise or
Whether the practice was independently and simultaneously prevalent at the two ends of the country and spread throughout. After considering perhaps historians may have to rewrite the history as for as sati is concerned, as it has great impact on many aspects of social sciences and particularly in history itself.
Based on the above Tamil literary evidences, it is concluded that –
The practice of sati was there since c.500-300 BCE, though the name as such is not found in the Sangam literature.
Such practice had neither any religious sanctity-influence nor compulsion supported by any religious literature.
That is prevalence of such practice had nothing to do with ‘Aryanization”, as suggested by some scholars and historians.
Notes and References
Tawney, Kathasaritsagara, Vol.I, Terminal Essay on Suttee by Pensei.
Col. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Motilal Bararasidas, New Delhi, Vol.II, 1971, p.737.
Rigveda, X.18.7.
A. S. Atlekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Motilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, 1962, p.112.
Purananuru – 113, 280; Kuruntogai – 225; Paditruppattu – 44.
Puram. 25, 62, 230, 234, 235, 246, 250, 280.
Tolkapiyam – Poruladhikaram – Purattitaoyiyal. 79.
Silappatikaram – Kandam.25, katchi.11; 160-4; 28 (nadukal), 11:119-121; Kandam.26 (Kalkot), 11, 188-220.
Tolkappiyam – Porul.60.
Manimekhalai.16.23-24.
V. N. Datta, Sati: Widow Burning in India, Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, 1988.
Arvind Sharma,(Rd.), Sati: Historical and Phenomenological Essays, Motoilal Banarasidas, New Delhi, 1989.
Sakuntala Narasimhan, Sati: A Study of Widow Burning in India, Viking, New Delhi, 1990.
A. S. Atlekar, opt.cit., p.128.
Labels: Women issue
Thursday, August 31, 2006
Karanams of the Ancient Tamils
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao
The paper was presented at the first session of Tamilnadu History Congress, held at Madras from September 10 and 11, 1994. Accepted for publication, but not published in the Proceedings, because there was no space (as accepted by the organizers)!
1. Introduction: Man of any society, in any civilization at time and place is totally affected, roused and even exited by the events taking place from birth to death. As such happenings are connected with social, economic and political processes, with the advancement of civilization, some of them are recognized as institutions. The connected rites, rituals and ceremonies are developed and codified to suit the changes and requirements of society. A critical study of such rites, rituals and ceremonies reveal many interesting details in historical perspective.
1.2. An attempt is made in paper to examine various rites, rituals and ceremonies of the ancient Tamils as depicted in Ettuttogai and Pattuppattu. Different names and expressions used like Tanniradal, Madalerudal, Varaipaydal, Silambu kazhi, Kadi, Varai, Manral, Nan manam, Vadhuvai, Neyyani mayakkam, Udanurai vazhkkai, Vizhavu, Kaimmai, Nadukal etc., are analyzed as to whether they represented various functions conducted and ceremonies performed. For convenience, the word “Karanam” is used here with an embracing sense to cover all aspects of such practices.
1.3. The word Karanam is not found in the Ettuttogai and Pattuppattu literature, but in Tolkappiyam, where it refers to the sacrament or ceremony of marriage introduced1. It has profound meaning in Tamil expounding various aspects of mind-body relationship2. Karanams are the psychosomatic actions of the ancient Tamils performed from birth to death connecting not only the processes of mind and body, but also with nature.they educate, cultivate, train, refine, perfect and purify mind through the external and physical rituals,. The external symbols used and actions performed have a greater impactr on mind and psychological processes. The birth to death Karanams are generally divided into the following broad categories:
Natal – Karanams pertaining to impregnation, conception and birth.
Childhood – pertaining to children’s growth.
Eduction – pertaining to education and learning processes.
Marital – pertaining to Kalavu and Karpu.
Funeral – pertaining to death and thereafter.
Accordingly, the practices of the ancient Tamils are taken up for study.
2. Impregnation: Kalavi, Kudal, Punarchi and Meyyaru punarchi are the expressions used to denote Impregnation. As for as the ancient Tamils is concerned, there were two forms of union of man and woman: Kalavu – union in secrecy and Karpu – union in open. But, such union is effected according to pre-determined and prescribed norms. Paripadal outlines3 that of all desires, the desire that springs from love is the best; of sexual pleasure, the accepted ones who agree to have such one I the best; of all feigns the blessed one is the result of Karpu. This proves that impregnation results with purpose. After impregnation, the fertilized egg grows to attain full form of child within ten months. With the metabolic growth, the child grows with the knowledge of present and future4. From the arrangement of poems according to tinai, uripporul and season, the prescribed day, time and other details of impregnation are implied. But, in Tolkappiyam, we find some direct references about the sacrament performed to this effect. The Karpiyal sutra 185 mentions that the poets say husband should not be away from his wife during the twelve days after the menstrual period, even if he were in the midst of pratathaiyar (prostitutes). Nachiniyarkuiniyar comments that the twelve days might be six days before and six days after the period of menstruation. Some scholars say husband can have union with wife after the period of menstruation, that is from fourth day onwards for twelve days. Again in sutra 185 of Kalaviyal, it is mentioned that the union in Kalaviyal occurs all the days except the three days (of menstruation). Begetting children was considered as the fruit of such solemnized union. Therefore, it is evident that ancient Tamils knew the science of eugenics to have good children.
3. Procreation of Vigorous Child: The ancient Tamils longed foe begetting both male and female children without any discrimination. Ingurunuru depicts as to how a Kuravan prays to God to bless him with a female child5. The first male chiold is mentioned as “Kadunchuzh ciruvan” and first female child “Kadunchuzh magal”6. The right of “mother of a son” is stressed, implying that the son gets all the rights of family, property, because he is the son of the mother7.A son is also known as “Tantaipeyran” i.e, having the name of father8. The names of sons start with the names of fathers. Many examples can be cited from the names of the Sangam poets, heros and kings. Paditruppattu mentions how mothers are praised with esteem for begetting worthy sons. It also describes about a yagna performed by Peruncheral Irumporai along with his wife9. Agananuru emphasizes that having a son makes one benefited for both immai (this present life) and marumai (the next life)10. Purananuru mentions about the practice of seeing the first born child-son, after few days with marital constume11.
4. Taking care of Pregnant Women: Many poems depict how the husbands are always going after parathaiyar even leaving pregnant wives at home to suffer. But, they are strongly condemned by companions, foster-mothers and others and advised them to be with their wives, keeping them mentally satisfied and happy. Puram describes how a husband is rushing to his house knowing about the expectancy of his wife to help her12. the pregnant state of women is vividly portrayed in several poems: sufferings from masakkai (longings, aversions etc of a pregnant woman mainly due to pollution) 13; her desire to eat earth, because of masakkai14; manner of walking15; going to temple to worship God16; comparing her body to a cow, because of the tender and delicate nature17; All these show that they should be taken care of carefully providing them with all their requirements. Then, only she would be happy and mentally prepared to deliver a good baby. As the growth of child starts from conception, they should be treated with kindness, then only, the born child would be normal and good without any defects. In fact, Puram accounts to avoid eight types of natal defects18:
Blindness (eye defects)
Irregular physical growth / physical deformation.
Hump-back.
Dwarf ness.
Dumbness.
Deafness.
Animal-form birth (physical deformation leading to such forms).
Dunce / mental retard ness.
The learned have categorically told that life is useless with these defects. It is also emphasized that is the duty of a mother to beget a good son and bring him with care19. all these prove the importance of taking care of pregnant women.
4.1. An important point to be noted in the ancient Tamil literature is the significance of women’s hair. Before marriage, the hair can be touched only by her mother and after marriage by her husband and not by any other20. The parting off of wife’s hair during the ceremony of Simantam can be perhaps traced back to this practice. This is done only to make pregnant wife fully prepared to deliver baby and keep her mind calm and happy.
5. Neyyani Mayakkam: As has already been mentioned the presence of husband is very much required before and after the delivery of child. The pregnant woman prays to God for having a good and normal delivery without any problem21. Just after delivery, her body becomes warm and tender22. A ceremony “Neyyani mayakkam” is performed for purification purpose. The mother who just delivered a baby is considered as impure. After some specified time, she is given a bath to purify her body and polluted state (Pulavu punirvu – th state of impurity)23. The bath also helps her to secret milk24, thus attaining lactating stage. The bath is given with the application of ghee on her body. The interior of the hoiuse, where she has delivered the child, is applied with the paste of ghee and white mustard seeds for the benefit of the mother and child25. In fact, the mother rest after the bath along with the child26. there is also a practice that such women do not wear bangles27.
6. Of Children: There is no specific mention about the naming ceremony of child, except that the child, if it is a male will be having the name of his father (Tanthai peyaran) 28. The practice of bringing child outside the house to a place of fresh air is implied at many places. Mooon is shown to the child29. Breast feeding is emphasized and practiced30. It is considered as duty to mothers and they are also proud to do so. Purananuru enumerates the rituals conducted for a child in order31 as follows:
Removal of silver anklet and tying of virakkazhal (ornament of valour). It reminds the Silambu kazhi nonbu (the ceremony of removal of anklet) performed in the case of women just before marriage.
Removal of hair (tonsure) and tying tender neem leave with Uzhinjai (cerua – a kind of cotton shrub) creeper.
Removal of small bangles and giving bow in hands.
Removal of Imbadaitali (on the fifth day of completion of childhood)
Dispensing with milk and started giving rice / cereal food.
Kalittogai32 gives the following details: decoration of child with jewels; dropping of saliva from the mouth; trying to walk with go-cart; breast feeding; babbles; comparing characteristic features of son with that of father; advising and disciplining by the mother. The references of Purananuru as mentioned above are abundantly found in other works33. This clearly proves the fact that the ceremonies of tying anklets, wearing bangles and Imbadaitali were in vogue. Ear-boring ceremony must also have been present, as there are many references about children, ladies and even gents wearing “kuzhais” – ear-rings34. Kings, chieftains and heroes wore kuzhais invariably, therefore, they mut have been undergone the ear-boring ceremony. Considering the nature of practice mentioned, it is evident that the ceremonies enumerated were for the children below one year or so and that of Kalittogai for the children who were trying to learn walking or about to walk.
7. Of Education: Some modern scholars have opined that the study of the ancient Tamils society shows that education was not formalized or institutionalized, as theyt were only leading tribal state of life and hence the prevalence of established educational institutions cannot be thought of35. This view could not be totally true considering the nature of Sangam literature. Such high quality and standardized literature could not have sprung from the tribes, nomadic bards and petty poets. Just because, there are few references about the formal or institutionalized educational system as perceived by the modern mind, we cannot categorically come to the conclusion that such system was absent during Sangam period. The very name “Sangam” or the existence of such institution proves the established system of education. Besides poetry, other arts and sciences were also definitely flourished during that period as evidenced by the factors of civilization, heritage and culture of the ancient Tamils.
7.1. Paditruppattu alludes that developing child inside embryo starts learning36. After ten months, the child comes out with the knowledge of present and future and all other goo qualities. According to Indian tradition, education starts from the embryonic state or from the fetus, the first sense organ to be developed is ear. That is why pregnant women are treated well and care is taken that thet always listen to good new. It is interesting to note that the ancient Tamils knew the fact. Puram emphasizes that it is the duty of father to make his son wise and knowledgeable37. it is better that one should learn and acquire knowledge by helping teachers during their critical days or giving money to them with respect and devotion38. Acquiring knowledge by either serving or helping the teachers can be considered as Gurukula system of education and by paying institutionalized form of education. Though, for a mother all sons are equal, she may treat them discriminately, because of their wisdom and knowledge acquired through their education39. the rulers govern getting advise from the learned irrespective of the fact as to whether such learned person is an elder or younger of a family. Similarly, if a person from lower strata of society learns and excels in studies, he will be respected by others of higher strata of society40. Tolkappiyar specifically mentions that lovers or husband and wife can separate for the purpose of “Otal” i.e, education41.
8. Returning Home after Education: Marriage after education is implied in the poems deaking with Kalavu and Karpu. Companions and foster-mothers of lady-love and wife advise the sojourned lover or husband to join immediately. In the case of lovers, they hasten the process of marriage by meeting and advising the lovwer to initiate action for the purpose by revealing the fact to the parents. As the concept of Aram, Porul and Inbam is found in Purananuru itself and the references about the union of separated in the cases of earning wealth and war have been mentoned, it is evident that those who have separated for education also follow the order to fulfill their traditional and domestic obligations and duties.
9. Marriage: The rites, rituals and ceremonies connected with marriage are perhaps the most elaborate. Kadi, Varai, Manral, Vadhuvai, Manral, Manam, Nan manam and Perumanam are the expressions used for marriage. There are two forms of marriage Kalavu and Karpu according to the traditional union of man and woman. Love is the basis for such process. No doubt, though it originates instinctively between man and woman, in some cases, even at first sight, it binds their hereditry and environmental factors. Love succeeds only after the satisfaction of such factors. Therefore the possibilities are love accepted by both or one sided. In the former case, it leads to marriage proposals and in the latter to undesirable consequences of resorting to violent methods by lovers of Madalerudhal, Varaipaydal etc.
According to Tamil tradition, the unmarried girls have the custom of praying God and taking bath in rivers during the month of Tai (January) for having a good husband42. Therefore, they will be expecting their would-be-husband with anxious. The girls, who have attained the age of marriage are kept at house with all comforts43, but they have every right to select their own choice of their life partner.
According to another tradition44, the father of girl has a violent bull and it will be let out during a festival or for challenge. Any boy, who catches the bull by its horns and brings under control, can ask the hand of the girl for marriage.
Once the love is known, it becomes the talk of the town (alar). The companions and foster-mothers help the lovers to meet, discuss and understand each other for the fulfillment of love. They also advice the male counterparts, if they err in their behaviour, go to Parathaiyar or try to break the relationship. They make maximum efforts for the success of their love.
In the case of boys, they first enquire about the girl, her name, residence etc., and make arrangements for marriage proposals through their parents45. the parents of boy go to the residence of girl and ask for marriage. They offer parisam i.e, bride-price46. if the parents of the girl accept, they proceed further to finalise for formalities. If the do not accept, instances are there where the parents of boy threaten them with battle47. there are occasions, where even kings, chieftains and others heads ask the hands of girls of ordinary social status, because of their beauty48. The marriage by acceptance has the following features:
Checking the matching factors: As has been pointed out by Paripadal, only man and woman of acceptable status and willingness will be united by the Karanam. Tolkappiyar49 specifies the following factors: Birth, family lineage, strength, age, beauty, love, patience, mercy, knowledge and wealth.
Fixing an auspicious day and time: The auspicious day is selected in such a way that the star Rohini is in conjunction with moon and the time is morning, without any combination of bad planets50.
Parisam – Bride price: The age-old practice is to offer parisam i.e, bride-price before marriage. It may be an offer of money, towns or any other valuable thing51. Varai and Kodai are also used to denote this.
Pandal, decoration etc: Agananuru describes beautifully the decoration of marriage pandal and other details connected with a typical ancient Tamil marraiage52.
Silmbu kazhi nonbu: it is performed at the residence of the bride a day before the marriage. The Silambu or anklet worn at the time of her puberty is removed now, to mark the occasion of the fulfillment of it. As it is a purely a function of bride, the mothers consider it as an honour to perform at their residences53.
Marriage function: It is performed in a decorated pandal with all relatives and friends and others of the town blessing the couple54. Elderly and auspicious ladies with children help to perform various rites and rituals. Finally, theyt bless the bride to live with her husband forever55. The practice of tying Tali is also there56. The grasping of the bride’s hand by the groom is also mentioned57.
Other forms of marriage: If the parents do not accept for marriage, the lovers run away from their town, get married and return57a. If they are accepted by their parents, karanams are applicable to them with some exceptions58. As the previous union (or marriage) has happened without proper karanams, a mother suggests that her daughter may have a symbolic bath at her residence, so that she can undergo other rituals59. Marriage by force or kidnapping is also considered as virtue / right in some cases60. In any case, some karanams are performed, if they are accepted by their parents for regularization.
10. Married Life: Udanuraivu, Udanurai vazhkkai and Ilvazhkkai are used for the married life with profound meaning implying the duties of husband and wife61. It is stressed that married life or living with wife during youth is important than earning wealth. Life can be enjoyed, when there is youth in the body and desire in the minds of husband and wife62, implying that they should fulfill the obligations of married life. Thus, successful marriages are considered as the hallmark of any civilization and hence importance given.
11. Retiring from Family Life: Retiring from life is not escaping from the duties and responsibilities, but setting an example for present generation through their illustrious acts and deeds. Then, they also need not have any worries about the past and can lead contended life. When Pisiranthaiyar was asked why his hair did not turn grey in spite of old-age, re replied that his wife had great virtues and her actions were also according to such virtues; his children were educated and they were full of wisdom and knowledge his servant did what he thought to do so; his rulers did only that were good to their citizens and not any other thing. Moreover, the city where he lived, there were many great men of good virtues with humility before elders, conquering their five senses63. Thus, the purpose of life is succinctly described. In fact, the concept of Aram (virtue), Porul (wealth) and Inbam (happiness) with addition of Veedu (Perfection of spirituality or total liberation) found in the Sangam works is the systematized stages of life to be followed.
12. Leading Life of Spirituality: After retiring from the family life, man slowly starts to think about uncertainty of the mundane life and prepare himself for certainty of other life. Universal outlook, equanimity of mind, modesty and other similar virtues change lifestyle and direct his mind towards spirituality. Purananuru explains such a state of a person. For him, all places are his native place and all are relatives; good or bad, nothing comes through others, but all are due to one’s own action only. Death is also not new for anybody, because, it is known that even at the time of conception, (it is predetermined that) one is to born to die. Therefore, one need not be happy about life, when there is happiness or feel dejected, when there is trouble. The life is just like a bubble floating over a river, moving quickly during rain. Just like bubble, it may break at any time. Therefore, one need not praise the great or criticize the ordinary people with bias64. In one house, drum is beaten to announce death, whereas in another house, drum is beaten to mark the occasion of marriage. There the ladies remove jewels with tearful eyes; here ladies are bedecked with jewels and flowers. The creator has made these provisions during his creation itself. This nature of the world is perhaps very cruel. But, understanding this, one should do good things leading to heaven65. Even if one cannot do any good thing, let him not do any bad thing that is appreciated by everybody. That attitude itself leads him to right direction66. If a man accomplishes the duties of earlier stages of life, he will attain equanimity of mind to view and consider all happiness without any discrimination. He will be in a position to endure, forebear and moderate anything that may or may not happen to him or others. In others, he may be in mental state to get him released quickly from this world.
13. Last Rites: The rites and rituals conducted to the dead are fundamentally based on the beliefs and philosophical aspects about birth, death, life after death, rebirth, next world, transmigration of soul and other ideas. The ceremony of the disposal of dead is the very old practice in the ancient Tamilzhagam closely connected with the ancestor worship. Puram67 specifies three types of disposal:
] Exposure or cast away (Iduthal),
] Cremation (Sudhuthal) and
] Complete inhumation (Paduthal).
It is quite natural that initially, the dead bodies are left as such to be decayed in due course or eaten away by vultures or animals68. Then, the close relatives may not have liked the dead bodies to be disposed in such a way, therefore, they are covered with stones69. Then, the practice of cremation is introduced with the introduction of fire and fire connected rituals70. Where fire wood is scanty, the extension of exposure is converted into complete inhumation of the dead, including urn and stone burials. Urn burial is found in the literature with interesting details71 and so also stone burials supported by many archaeological evidences72.
13.2. Nadukal: The given details about Nadukal73 (literally meaning ‘an erected stone’) show how the practice is evolved into a full-fledged ritual. Initially, the place where the person died is considered as important or sacred and nadukal is erected there74. Then, a place is selected for erection75 followed with other rites – covered with cloth; stone is placed on an elevated platform; washed with good waters; name and fame of the dead are inscribed; worshipped with the offer of flowers, food, incense; even animals are sacrificed; lamps are lit; thus the dead is elevated to the status of god and considered as God76. The direction was chosen as ‘south’ perhaps coinciding with the direction in which the body fell or found. From this, the concept of fore-fathers living in the southern direction with the status of god might have been developed. In fact, Puram emphasizes that one should perform the duty of offerings to their forefathers, who live in the southern direction, implying the pitrs or departed ancestors77. Similarly, a son saves his forefathers of his lineage by his actions. Thus, the offering of panda or rive ball is recognized as an important ritual78.
13.3. The Significance of Pinda: Puram brings out the relation between body, life and growth with earth, water and food. As the human body depends on water, giving food amounts to giving life, because body is primarily based on food. Food is nothing but water in association with land. One who combines water and land into one entity is also the creator of life and body. Here, the expression used is “unavin pindam” i.e, the body is considered as part of food, as it grows with food79. This concept can also be considered as the point of evolution of the concept of “Panchabhuta tatva” connecting five natural elements with the creation of five senses of human body and hence the man himself. Therefore, when a man dies, it is quite natural to think that his body should go back to the five natural elements quickly, so that he may have the next life immediately. This should be the origin of cremation in Tamilzhagam, of course with the association of fire-related rituals or yagnas. Puram also mentions about the performance of 21 yagnas. Avur Mulangizhar describes that Punjatrur Parppan Guaniyan Vinnathayan has come from a family, that has performed 21 types of Yagnas. Though, the names of 21 yagnas are not named or mentioned, they are implied as seven Soma yagnas, seven Havir yagnas and seven Baga yagnas performed as a part of last crematory rites80.
13.4. Other types of Burials: Post-crematory burial is found, where an Urn is brought to crematory grounds and it is also supported by the archaeological evidences81. In the case of royal burials, even in the dead is a child or just a lump of flesh or diseased man or otherwise, it will be cut placing on the Kusa grass with a sword, as they always long for a glorious death on the battle fields82.
13.5. Ancestor Worship: It is a pre-historic practice as evidenced by the Neolithic and megalithic cultures. The practice of burying the used things by the dead along with their dead bodies or bones in urns, pits etc are followed by the ancient Tamils. Generally, a hole on the eastern side of the burial is left, just enough a man can enter with the belief that the soul may enter and leave through it. The belief in rebirth, cyclic nature of birth and death, and immorality are abundantly found in the literature83. All are mentioned in one poem: Grown is declined, declined is grown; born is dead, dead is born and born is dead again; the Moon teaches this wonderful philosophy even to illiterate man to understand the mortal nature of life.
14. A Comparison of Karanams and Samskaras: After discussing about the Karanams from birth to death, a comparison is made here with the Samskaras. The number of Samsklaras varies from ten to fifty two depending upon various traditions. Earlier sources contain ten starting with Garbadhana to Vivaha84.
Garbadhana (Sacrament of Impregnation).
Punsavana (the ceremony of procreation of vigorous child).
Simantinayana (the ceremony of keeping the mind of pregnant woman satisfied – parting off of her hair etc).
Jatakarma (ceremony of the newly born child).
Namakarma (ceremony of naming the child).
Annaprashana (ceremony of giving solid or cereal food to the child).
Chudakarma (tonsure and ceremony of tuft).
Upanayana (sacrament of thread).
Samavartana (returning home after studies).
Vivaha (sacrament of marriage).
In later lists, we find other Sasmksras, particularly that of death and yagnas are added. The question as to whether a few Samskaras were increased to have elaborate rituals or many Samskaras were reduced to have definite and limited numbers is a debatable one. Generally, it is found that South Indian tradition contain elaborate ceremonies for death and cremation. Later, slowly, the North Indian tradition appears to have incorporated these into their Samskara list. Swami Dayanana Saraswati strongly refutes that certain last rites followed are not consistent with Vedic rituals85. But, in South India, even in remote villages, after death and cremation / burial, the 13th day, 16th day ceremonies are elaborately performed irrespective of caster affiliations. The most popular list contains Sixteen Samskaras (mentioned as ‘Shodasa Samskaras’):
Garbadhana.
Pynsavana.
Simantonayana.
Jatakarma.
Namakarma.
Niskarma.
Annaprashna
Chudakarma.
Karnavedha
Upanayana.
Vedaambha.
Samavartana.
Vivaha.
Vanaprastha.
Sanyasa.
Antyasti.
The added six are shown underlined.
It can be seen that the underlined Samskaras are added ones to the earlier list. Then, another popular grouping id Forty Samskaras, as listed below86:
Garbadhana.
Punsavana.
Simantonayana.
Jatakarma.
Namakarma.
Annaprashna
Sausam.
Upanayana.
Vedavrathas
Prajapatya.
Saumya.
Aneya.
Vaisvedeva.
Samavartana.
Vivaha.
Pancha Yagnas
Brahma.
Deva.
Pitru.
Bhuta.
Manushya.
Paka Yagnas
Pitru sraddham.
Pavana.
Astaka.
Sravana.
Asveyuji.
Agrahayani.
Caitra.
Havir Yagnas.
Agni adhana.
Agnihotra.
Darsapurnamsa.
Agrahyana.
Caturmasya.
Nirudapasuband
Sautramani.
Soma Yagnas.
Agnistoma.
Adhyaknistoma.
Ukdhya.
Shodasi.
Vajpeya.
Atirata.
Aptoryama.
Thus, when we go through the lengthy list, it is evident that more importance is given to yagnas and connected rituals. Then, slowly importance is shifted to child birth and marriage at one end, and last rites at another end. Therefore, the Samskaras involving yagnas must have been the ancient ones than others, though all incorporate Vedic hymns for procedural methods, if we consider that Vedic rituals are Yagna-oriented. Then, the Samskaras involving child birth and marriage must have been ancient ones than others, if we consider that they are not yagna-oriented. Therefore, the sudden importance given to the elaborate last rites and their inclusion in the Samskaras list shows some influence occurred during that period.
14.2. The important point to be noted is that most of the writers on last rites in Sanskrit are from South India and the works are very much later dated than the Sangam literature. There are some practices, which were followed by the ancient Tamils are conspicuously found in the rituals of Brahmins. They are Kaimmai nonbu, Tali, Bride price, 21 yagnas and Nadukal.
Kaimmai: There aare many verses which clearly mention about the status of widows, who do not want to commit sati, but live with the following restrictions: shaving off hair, removal of bangles and other ornaments including Tali, eating tasteless food, bathing in cold water and sleeping on the floor.
Tali: Much importance is given to the Tali, which is the symbol of married life. There are many sects in south and mostly in North India, who do not wear any Tali, even after marriage. But, a Brahmin women, like any other Tamil women cannot think about the lose of Tali under any circumstance.
Bride price: The practice of giving bride-price for marrying off a woman is found symbolically in offering Tali and saree to her. Stridhana meaning woman’s property is sometimes unique in the sphere of inheritance, where woman alone has absolute and exclusive right to its possession, enjoyment, disposal and transfer.
21 Yagnas: As has been pointed out, the 21 yagnas are added with the 16 Samskaras with modification, popular South Indian 40 Samskaras have been evolved. The mention of 21 yagnas in Purananuru, just as in the Gautama Sutras is significant87.
Nadukal: For the preparation of Nadukal, six steps have been prescribed: 1. Selection of stone, 2. Chiselling, 3. Immersion in water (for cleaning), 4. Erection (at a place), 5. Engraving and 6. Paying homage (with offerings) 88. Surprisingly, very similar rites are followed by Brahmins even today on 10th day for the dead. The ceremony contains the following steps:
Selection stone,
Cleaning with water, milk etc.,
Seating on darpa (Kusa) grass and writing the name of death on it with the grass symbolically,
Pashana Sthapanam (stone fixing, one at the house and another on the banks of river or where rituals are conducted)
Invoking spirit to enter and
Offerings with Vastodharana (offering of dress) etc.
14.2. These examples clearly prove that Brahmins or such type of people of the ancient Tamizhagam must have contributed to the development of Samskaras pertaining to Last rites connected with cremation and the 21 yagnas. Or the Brahmins, who consciously follow these practices must have links with the ancient Tamizhagam and continue to practice such rites without break at least in some cases, in spite of the onslaught of modernism, atheism and anti-brahminism. Therefore, it is worthwhile to appreciate such existing cultural links in historical perspective and interpret the past. The evolurtion of fire worship must have influenced the practices of Karanams / Samskaras to incorporate the element of fire in the rituals leading to yagna oriented Samskaras. Now, in all Samskaras, fire and Vedic hymns are used. Therefore, when exactly fire was started to be used by the ancient Tamils may be another interesting study to be taken up.
Notes and References
“After the appearance of falsehood and immorality,
Iyer introduced the Karanam (sacrament)” – Tol. Porul. Karpiyal – 143.
The meaning of Karanam are:
] Manam = mind; the other meaning is ‘marriage’.
] Buddhi = intellect / reason.
] Siddhi = firmness / success.
] Shankaram = self-will.
] Bavam = state of being.
In short, it has similar meaning to “Sanskar”.
The other philosophical meanings are developed later with the development of Saiva Siddhanta.
Paripadal – 9: 14-16; Tol. Porul. Kalaviyal – 90; Tol. Porul. Karpiyal – 140;
Paditruppattu – 74: 17-21.
Ingurunuru – 251: 1-2.
Kadunchuzh ciruvan – Ing. 309:3.
Kadunchuzh magal – Ing. 386:4.
Ing.90:4; 405:4; 409:2; 442:5.
Agananuru – 6:13; 16:19; Kuruntogai – 8:6, 359:6.
Ing 403; Kalittoai – 75:23-25; 81:35..
Padi – 9:13-16.
Agananuru – 66:1-4.
Puram. 100:11.
Puram.82.
Kali. 29:1-4.
Puram.20:14.
Kuru.287:3-8.
Maduraikanchi. – lines 603-610.
Kali.110:14.
Puram.28:1-7.
Puram.312:1, Agam.35:1.
Puram.113:8-9.
Madu. Lines 609-615.
Ing.65:3-4.
Madu. Line.602; Natrinai. 380:1-6.
Nat.40:6-8; 370:1-5; 380:1-5.
Mad.line.615.
Nat.40:7-8.
Malaipadukadam. Line.253.
Ing.403; Kali.75:23-25; 81:35.
Kali.80:18-19; Puram. 160:22.
Kali.81:7; 82:2-3; 83:5-6; 84:2-5. Puram.160:19; 164:3-4; Natrinai.355:2; Ing.128.
Puram.77.
Kali. 77 to 80.
Pulippaaltali – Agam.54:18, 7:17; Kuru.161:3;
Cereal food – Nat.77:7-8; Agam.219:5-8 etc.
Pari.11:95-96; Pari.tirattu.10:1; Padi.86:11; Nat.16:9, 286:1-2.
N. Subramaniam, Sangam Polity, Ennes Publications, Madurai, 1980.
Padi.74:17-21.
Puram.312:2.
Puram.183.
Puram.183.
Puram.183; Tol.Porul.Agattinaiyiyal – 31, 33.
Tol.Porul.Agat. – 27,28.
Tanniradal: Kali.59:10-13; Pari.11:90-91, 11:134-139; Nat.22:6-7, 80:7; Kuru.196:4; Ing.84:4; Puram.70:6.
Puram.337l Nat.351:2.
Kollerukodal; Kali.99 to 105.
Puram.3365 to 340.
Bride price: Nat.300:5; puram.344, 366, 354; Ing. 253, 276, 147; Mullaikkali.3:71.
Puram.344, 336-343.
Puram.336,341.
Tol.Porul.Meipattiyal – 269.
Agam.86, 136.
Nat.300:10; Ing.253, 276, 147: Mullaikkali.3:71; Puram.344:3-4;
Agam.86,136.
Ing.399, 371-380.
Ing.379.
Agam.86, 136.
Padi.5:15; Puram.127, 261, 78:8-12; 224;15-17.
Agam.369:2, 385:11; Kurinchippattu lines 231-232.
57a. Ing.391 to 400.
Ing.394, 399.
Ing.394; Agam.397.
Kurunchikkali.26.
Kali.93:6-7; Puram.246:10-12; Puram.206.
Palaikkali.17.
Puram.191.
Puram.192.
Puram.194.
Puram.195.
Puram.239:20-21.
Puram.291, 359.
Agam.289:1-4; Puram.3:21-22, 264.
Puram.231:1-3, 238:1-5; 246:11-12, 356,259, 363 (crematory grounds).
Puram.238:1-5;, 228:12, 266:5, 364:13; Nat.27:11-12; Padi.44:22-33.
Agam.289:1-4; Puram.3:21-22, 264.
Archaeologists divide them into –
Cain circle
Dolmenoid cist.
Umbrella stone
Topikkal.
Rockcut cave.
Menhir.
Hero stones.
Urn.
Puram. 221, 260, 263, 264, 265, 329, 335.
Agam.35, 53, 67, 131, 179, 269, 289, 297, 298, 365.
Malaipadukadam lines 387-389; Ing. 352 (references about Nadukal).
Puram.260:22-28, 263:7-8, 265:1.
Puram.260:1-4.
As in.73, all references about nadukal;
God – Puram. 335:11-12, 265:4-5, 329:1-4; Agam.35:8-11.
Puram.6:4-5, 58:4-5.
Puram.234:2-6, 249:12-14, 360:17-20, 363:10-14.
Puram.18:19-23, 186:1-4.
Puram.166:8.
Puram.238:1-5.
S. P. Gupta, Disposal of the Dead and Physical Types in Ancient India, Oriental Publishers, New Delhi, 1972, p.217.
Puram.74:1-2, 93:7-11.
Puram.134:1-4, 214:6-13, 236:10-12, 245:4-7, 256, 356 to 363, 27:11-14, 31:2, 188; Nat.397:7-9.
Manu. II-26.
Swami Dayananda Saraswati, The Samskara Vidhi, Arya Pratinidhi Sabha, New Delhi, 1976, pp.342-43.
Gautama Dharma Sutra.VIII: 13-19.
According to modern estimates, the Sutra period falls within 4th to 6th centuries BCE and Sangam period 300- BCE to 300 CE. Those who emphasize about the influence of Sanskrit literature on Tamil literature should take important fact that most of such Sanskrit writers were from south. Particularly, Boudhayana Apastamba, whose Sraddha rituals are popular, are from south. He lived in Andhra area in those days. There are many references about the performance of yagnas and other performers in the Sangam literature. Parpar, Anthanar, Arutozhilalar, Aravor, Marayavar, Muppirinulor, Irupirappalar, Vedhiyar and other expressions are used to denote the persons connected with the rituals of Yagnas, Vedas and other fire-connected ceremonies.
Tol.Purattinaiyiyal.Sutra.60.
Similar steps are found in the Sangam literature as explained.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao
The paper was presented at the first session of Tamilnadu History Congress, held at Madras from September 10 and 11, 1994. Accepted for publication, but not published in the Proceedings, because there was no space (as accepted by the organizers)!
1. Introduction: Man of any society, in any civilization at time and place is totally affected, roused and even exited by the events taking place from birth to death. As such happenings are connected with social, economic and political processes, with the advancement of civilization, some of them are recognized as institutions. The connected rites, rituals and ceremonies are developed and codified to suit the changes and requirements of society. A critical study of such rites, rituals and ceremonies reveal many interesting details in historical perspective.
1.2. An attempt is made in paper to examine various rites, rituals and ceremonies of the ancient Tamils as depicted in Ettuttogai and Pattuppattu. Different names and expressions used like Tanniradal, Madalerudal, Varaipaydal, Silambu kazhi, Kadi, Varai, Manral, Nan manam, Vadhuvai, Neyyani mayakkam, Udanurai vazhkkai, Vizhavu, Kaimmai, Nadukal etc., are analyzed as to whether they represented various functions conducted and ceremonies performed. For convenience, the word “Karanam” is used here with an embracing sense to cover all aspects of such practices.
1.3. The word Karanam is not found in the Ettuttogai and Pattuppattu literature, but in Tolkappiyam, where it refers to the sacrament or ceremony of marriage introduced1. It has profound meaning in Tamil expounding various aspects of mind-body relationship2. Karanams are the psychosomatic actions of the ancient Tamils performed from birth to death connecting not only the processes of mind and body, but also with nature.they educate, cultivate, train, refine, perfect and purify mind through the external and physical rituals,. The external symbols used and actions performed have a greater impactr on mind and psychological processes. The birth to death Karanams are generally divided into the following broad categories:
Natal – Karanams pertaining to impregnation, conception and birth.
Childhood – pertaining to children’s growth.
Eduction – pertaining to education and learning processes.
Marital – pertaining to Kalavu and Karpu.
Funeral – pertaining to death and thereafter.
Accordingly, the practices of the ancient Tamils are taken up for study.
2. Impregnation: Kalavi, Kudal, Punarchi and Meyyaru punarchi are the expressions used to denote Impregnation. As for as the ancient Tamils is concerned, there were two forms of union of man and woman: Kalavu – union in secrecy and Karpu – union in open. But, such union is effected according to pre-determined and prescribed norms. Paripadal outlines3 that of all desires, the desire that springs from love is the best; of sexual pleasure, the accepted ones who agree to have such one I the best; of all feigns the blessed one is the result of Karpu. This proves that impregnation results with purpose. After impregnation, the fertilized egg grows to attain full form of child within ten months. With the metabolic growth, the child grows with the knowledge of present and future4. From the arrangement of poems according to tinai, uripporul and season, the prescribed day, time and other details of impregnation are implied. But, in Tolkappiyam, we find some direct references about the sacrament performed to this effect. The Karpiyal sutra 185 mentions that the poets say husband should not be away from his wife during the twelve days after the menstrual period, even if he were in the midst of pratathaiyar (prostitutes). Nachiniyarkuiniyar comments that the twelve days might be six days before and six days after the period of menstruation. Some scholars say husband can have union with wife after the period of menstruation, that is from fourth day onwards for twelve days. Again in sutra 185 of Kalaviyal, it is mentioned that the union in Kalaviyal occurs all the days except the three days (of menstruation). Begetting children was considered as the fruit of such solemnized union. Therefore, it is evident that ancient Tamils knew the science of eugenics to have good children.
3. Procreation of Vigorous Child: The ancient Tamils longed foe begetting both male and female children without any discrimination. Ingurunuru depicts as to how a Kuravan prays to God to bless him with a female child5. The first male chiold is mentioned as “Kadunchuzh ciruvan” and first female child “Kadunchuzh magal”6. The right of “mother of a son” is stressed, implying that the son gets all the rights of family, property, because he is the son of the mother7.A son is also known as “Tantaipeyran” i.e, having the name of father8. The names of sons start with the names of fathers. Many examples can be cited from the names of the Sangam poets, heros and kings. Paditruppattu mentions how mothers are praised with esteem for begetting worthy sons. It also describes about a yagna performed by Peruncheral Irumporai along with his wife9. Agananuru emphasizes that having a son makes one benefited for both immai (this present life) and marumai (the next life)10. Purananuru mentions about the practice of seeing the first born child-son, after few days with marital constume11.
4. Taking care of Pregnant Women: Many poems depict how the husbands are always going after parathaiyar even leaving pregnant wives at home to suffer. But, they are strongly condemned by companions, foster-mothers and others and advised them to be with their wives, keeping them mentally satisfied and happy. Puram describes how a husband is rushing to his house knowing about the expectancy of his wife to help her12. the pregnant state of women is vividly portrayed in several poems: sufferings from masakkai (longings, aversions etc of a pregnant woman mainly due to pollution) 13; her desire to eat earth, because of masakkai14; manner of walking15; going to temple to worship God16; comparing her body to a cow, because of the tender and delicate nature17; All these show that they should be taken care of carefully providing them with all their requirements. Then, only she would be happy and mentally prepared to deliver a good baby. As the growth of child starts from conception, they should be treated with kindness, then only, the born child would be normal and good without any defects. In fact, Puram accounts to avoid eight types of natal defects18:
Blindness (eye defects)
Irregular physical growth / physical deformation.
Hump-back.
Dwarf ness.
Dumbness.
Deafness.
Animal-form birth (physical deformation leading to such forms).
Dunce / mental retard ness.
The learned have categorically told that life is useless with these defects. It is also emphasized that is the duty of a mother to beget a good son and bring him with care19. all these prove the importance of taking care of pregnant women.
4.1. An important point to be noted in the ancient Tamil literature is the significance of women’s hair. Before marriage, the hair can be touched only by her mother and after marriage by her husband and not by any other20. The parting off of wife’s hair during the ceremony of Simantam can be perhaps traced back to this practice. This is done only to make pregnant wife fully prepared to deliver baby and keep her mind calm and happy.
5. Neyyani Mayakkam: As has already been mentioned the presence of husband is very much required before and after the delivery of child. The pregnant woman prays to God for having a good and normal delivery without any problem21. Just after delivery, her body becomes warm and tender22. A ceremony “Neyyani mayakkam” is performed for purification purpose. The mother who just delivered a baby is considered as impure. After some specified time, she is given a bath to purify her body and polluted state (Pulavu punirvu – th state of impurity)23. The bath also helps her to secret milk24, thus attaining lactating stage. The bath is given with the application of ghee on her body. The interior of the hoiuse, where she has delivered the child, is applied with the paste of ghee and white mustard seeds for the benefit of the mother and child25. In fact, the mother rest after the bath along with the child26. there is also a practice that such women do not wear bangles27.
6. Of Children: There is no specific mention about the naming ceremony of child, except that the child, if it is a male will be having the name of his father (Tanthai peyaran) 28. The practice of bringing child outside the house to a place of fresh air is implied at many places. Mooon is shown to the child29. Breast feeding is emphasized and practiced30. It is considered as duty to mothers and they are also proud to do so. Purananuru enumerates the rituals conducted for a child in order31 as follows:
Removal of silver anklet and tying of virakkazhal (ornament of valour). It reminds the Silambu kazhi nonbu (the ceremony of removal of anklet) performed in the case of women just before marriage.
Removal of hair (tonsure) and tying tender neem leave with Uzhinjai (cerua – a kind of cotton shrub) creeper.
Removal of small bangles and giving bow in hands.
Removal of Imbadaitali (on the fifth day of completion of childhood)
Dispensing with milk and started giving rice / cereal food.
Kalittogai32 gives the following details: decoration of child with jewels; dropping of saliva from the mouth; trying to walk with go-cart; breast feeding; babbles; comparing characteristic features of son with that of father; advising and disciplining by the mother. The references of Purananuru as mentioned above are abundantly found in other works33. This clearly proves the fact that the ceremonies of tying anklets, wearing bangles and Imbadaitali were in vogue. Ear-boring ceremony must also have been present, as there are many references about children, ladies and even gents wearing “kuzhais” – ear-rings34. Kings, chieftains and heroes wore kuzhais invariably, therefore, they mut have been undergone the ear-boring ceremony. Considering the nature of practice mentioned, it is evident that the ceremonies enumerated were for the children below one year or so and that of Kalittogai for the children who were trying to learn walking or about to walk.
7. Of Education: Some modern scholars have opined that the study of the ancient Tamils society shows that education was not formalized or institutionalized, as theyt were only leading tribal state of life and hence the prevalence of established educational institutions cannot be thought of35. This view could not be totally true considering the nature of Sangam literature. Such high quality and standardized literature could not have sprung from the tribes, nomadic bards and petty poets. Just because, there are few references about the formal or institutionalized educational system as perceived by the modern mind, we cannot categorically come to the conclusion that such system was absent during Sangam period. The very name “Sangam” or the existence of such institution proves the established system of education. Besides poetry, other arts and sciences were also definitely flourished during that period as evidenced by the factors of civilization, heritage and culture of the ancient Tamils.
7.1. Paditruppattu alludes that developing child inside embryo starts learning36. After ten months, the child comes out with the knowledge of present and future and all other goo qualities. According to Indian tradition, education starts from the embryonic state or from the fetus, the first sense organ to be developed is ear. That is why pregnant women are treated well and care is taken that thet always listen to good new. It is interesting to note that the ancient Tamils knew the fact. Puram emphasizes that it is the duty of father to make his son wise and knowledgeable37. it is better that one should learn and acquire knowledge by helping teachers during their critical days or giving money to them with respect and devotion38. Acquiring knowledge by either serving or helping the teachers can be considered as Gurukula system of education and by paying institutionalized form of education. Though, for a mother all sons are equal, she may treat them discriminately, because of their wisdom and knowledge acquired through their education39. the rulers govern getting advise from the learned irrespective of the fact as to whether such learned person is an elder or younger of a family. Similarly, if a person from lower strata of society learns and excels in studies, he will be respected by others of higher strata of society40. Tolkappiyar specifically mentions that lovers or husband and wife can separate for the purpose of “Otal” i.e, education41.
8. Returning Home after Education: Marriage after education is implied in the poems deaking with Kalavu and Karpu. Companions and foster-mothers of lady-love and wife advise the sojourned lover or husband to join immediately. In the case of lovers, they hasten the process of marriage by meeting and advising the lovwer to initiate action for the purpose by revealing the fact to the parents. As the concept of Aram, Porul and Inbam is found in Purananuru itself and the references about the union of separated in the cases of earning wealth and war have been mentoned, it is evident that those who have separated for education also follow the order to fulfill their traditional and domestic obligations and duties.
9. Marriage: The rites, rituals and ceremonies connected with marriage are perhaps the most elaborate. Kadi, Varai, Manral, Vadhuvai, Manral, Manam, Nan manam and Perumanam are the expressions used for marriage. There are two forms of marriage Kalavu and Karpu according to the traditional union of man and woman. Love is the basis for such process. No doubt, though it originates instinctively between man and woman, in some cases, even at first sight, it binds their hereditry and environmental factors. Love succeeds only after the satisfaction of such factors. Therefore the possibilities are love accepted by both or one sided. In the former case, it leads to marriage proposals and in the latter to undesirable consequences of resorting to violent methods by lovers of Madalerudhal, Varaipaydal etc.
According to Tamil tradition, the unmarried girls have the custom of praying God and taking bath in rivers during the month of Tai (January) for having a good husband42. Therefore, they will be expecting their would-be-husband with anxious. The girls, who have attained the age of marriage are kept at house with all comforts43, but they have every right to select their own choice of their life partner.
According to another tradition44, the father of girl has a violent bull and it will be let out during a festival or for challenge. Any boy, who catches the bull by its horns and brings under control, can ask the hand of the girl for marriage.
Once the love is known, it becomes the talk of the town (alar). The companions and foster-mothers help the lovers to meet, discuss and understand each other for the fulfillment of love. They also advice the male counterparts, if they err in their behaviour, go to Parathaiyar or try to break the relationship. They make maximum efforts for the success of their love.
In the case of boys, they first enquire about the girl, her name, residence etc., and make arrangements for marriage proposals through their parents45. the parents of boy go to the residence of girl and ask for marriage. They offer parisam i.e, bride-price46. if the parents of the girl accept, they proceed further to finalise for formalities. If the do not accept, instances are there where the parents of boy threaten them with battle47. there are occasions, where even kings, chieftains and others heads ask the hands of girls of ordinary social status, because of their beauty48. The marriage by acceptance has the following features:
Checking the matching factors: As has been pointed out by Paripadal, only man and woman of acceptable status and willingness will be united by the Karanam. Tolkappiyar49 specifies the following factors: Birth, family lineage, strength, age, beauty, love, patience, mercy, knowledge and wealth.
Fixing an auspicious day and time: The auspicious day is selected in such a way that the star Rohini is in conjunction with moon and the time is morning, without any combination of bad planets50.
Parisam – Bride price: The age-old practice is to offer parisam i.e, bride-price before marriage. It may be an offer of money, towns or any other valuable thing51. Varai and Kodai are also used to denote this.
Pandal, decoration etc: Agananuru describes beautifully the decoration of marriage pandal and other details connected with a typical ancient Tamil marraiage52.
Silmbu kazhi nonbu: it is performed at the residence of the bride a day before the marriage. The Silambu or anklet worn at the time of her puberty is removed now, to mark the occasion of the fulfillment of it. As it is a purely a function of bride, the mothers consider it as an honour to perform at their residences53.
Marriage function: It is performed in a decorated pandal with all relatives and friends and others of the town blessing the couple54. Elderly and auspicious ladies with children help to perform various rites and rituals. Finally, theyt bless the bride to live with her husband forever55. The practice of tying Tali is also there56. The grasping of the bride’s hand by the groom is also mentioned57.
Other forms of marriage: If the parents do not accept for marriage, the lovers run away from their town, get married and return57a. If they are accepted by their parents, karanams are applicable to them with some exceptions58. As the previous union (or marriage) has happened without proper karanams, a mother suggests that her daughter may have a symbolic bath at her residence, so that she can undergo other rituals59. Marriage by force or kidnapping is also considered as virtue / right in some cases60. In any case, some karanams are performed, if they are accepted by their parents for regularization.
10. Married Life: Udanuraivu, Udanurai vazhkkai and Ilvazhkkai are used for the married life with profound meaning implying the duties of husband and wife61. It is stressed that married life or living with wife during youth is important than earning wealth. Life can be enjoyed, when there is youth in the body and desire in the minds of husband and wife62, implying that they should fulfill the obligations of married life. Thus, successful marriages are considered as the hallmark of any civilization and hence importance given.
11. Retiring from Family Life: Retiring from life is not escaping from the duties and responsibilities, but setting an example for present generation through their illustrious acts and deeds. Then, they also need not have any worries about the past and can lead contended life. When Pisiranthaiyar was asked why his hair did not turn grey in spite of old-age, re replied that his wife had great virtues and her actions were also according to such virtues; his children were educated and they were full of wisdom and knowledge his servant did what he thought to do so; his rulers did only that were good to their citizens and not any other thing. Moreover, the city where he lived, there were many great men of good virtues with humility before elders, conquering their five senses63. Thus, the purpose of life is succinctly described. In fact, the concept of Aram (virtue), Porul (wealth) and Inbam (happiness) with addition of Veedu (Perfection of spirituality or total liberation) found in the Sangam works is the systematized stages of life to be followed.
12. Leading Life of Spirituality: After retiring from the family life, man slowly starts to think about uncertainty of the mundane life and prepare himself for certainty of other life. Universal outlook, equanimity of mind, modesty and other similar virtues change lifestyle and direct his mind towards spirituality. Purananuru explains such a state of a person. For him, all places are his native place and all are relatives; good or bad, nothing comes through others, but all are due to one’s own action only. Death is also not new for anybody, because, it is known that even at the time of conception, (it is predetermined that) one is to born to die. Therefore, one need not be happy about life, when there is happiness or feel dejected, when there is trouble. The life is just like a bubble floating over a river, moving quickly during rain. Just like bubble, it may break at any time. Therefore, one need not praise the great or criticize the ordinary people with bias64. In one house, drum is beaten to announce death, whereas in another house, drum is beaten to mark the occasion of marriage. There the ladies remove jewels with tearful eyes; here ladies are bedecked with jewels and flowers. The creator has made these provisions during his creation itself. This nature of the world is perhaps very cruel. But, understanding this, one should do good things leading to heaven65. Even if one cannot do any good thing, let him not do any bad thing that is appreciated by everybody. That attitude itself leads him to right direction66. If a man accomplishes the duties of earlier stages of life, he will attain equanimity of mind to view and consider all happiness without any discrimination. He will be in a position to endure, forebear and moderate anything that may or may not happen to him or others. In others, he may be in mental state to get him released quickly from this world.
13. Last Rites: The rites and rituals conducted to the dead are fundamentally based on the beliefs and philosophical aspects about birth, death, life after death, rebirth, next world, transmigration of soul and other ideas. The ceremony of the disposal of dead is the very old practice in the ancient Tamilzhagam closely connected with the ancestor worship. Puram67 specifies three types of disposal:
] Exposure or cast away (Iduthal),
] Cremation (Sudhuthal) and
] Complete inhumation (Paduthal).
It is quite natural that initially, the dead bodies are left as such to be decayed in due course or eaten away by vultures or animals68. Then, the close relatives may not have liked the dead bodies to be disposed in such a way, therefore, they are covered with stones69. Then, the practice of cremation is introduced with the introduction of fire and fire connected rituals70. Where fire wood is scanty, the extension of exposure is converted into complete inhumation of the dead, including urn and stone burials. Urn burial is found in the literature with interesting details71 and so also stone burials supported by many archaeological evidences72.
13.2. Nadukal: The given details about Nadukal73 (literally meaning ‘an erected stone’) show how the practice is evolved into a full-fledged ritual. Initially, the place where the person died is considered as important or sacred and nadukal is erected there74. Then, a place is selected for erection75 followed with other rites – covered with cloth; stone is placed on an elevated platform; washed with good waters; name and fame of the dead are inscribed; worshipped with the offer of flowers, food, incense; even animals are sacrificed; lamps are lit; thus the dead is elevated to the status of god and considered as God76. The direction was chosen as ‘south’ perhaps coinciding with the direction in which the body fell or found. From this, the concept of fore-fathers living in the southern direction with the status of god might have been developed. In fact, Puram emphasizes that one should perform the duty of offerings to their forefathers, who live in the southern direction, implying the pitrs or departed ancestors77. Similarly, a son saves his forefathers of his lineage by his actions. Thus, the offering of panda or rive ball is recognized as an important ritual78.
13.3. The Significance of Pinda: Puram brings out the relation between body, life and growth with earth, water and food. As the human body depends on water, giving food amounts to giving life, because body is primarily based on food. Food is nothing but water in association with land. One who combines water and land into one entity is also the creator of life and body. Here, the expression used is “unavin pindam” i.e, the body is considered as part of food, as it grows with food79. This concept can also be considered as the point of evolution of the concept of “Panchabhuta tatva” connecting five natural elements with the creation of five senses of human body and hence the man himself. Therefore, when a man dies, it is quite natural to think that his body should go back to the five natural elements quickly, so that he may have the next life immediately. This should be the origin of cremation in Tamilzhagam, of course with the association of fire-related rituals or yagnas. Puram also mentions about the performance of 21 yagnas. Avur Mulangizhar describes that Punjatrur Parppan Guaniyan Vinnathayan has come from a family, that has performed 21 types of Yagnas. Though, the names of 21 yagnas are not named or mentioned, they are implied as seven Soma yagnas, seven Havir yagnas and seven Baga yagnas performed as a part of last crematory rites80.
13.4. Other types of Burials: Post-crematory burial is found, where an Urn is brought to crematory grounds and it is also supported by the archaeological evidences81. In the case of royal burials, even in the dead is a child or just a lump of flesh or diseased man or otherwise, it will be cut placing on the Kusa grass with a sword, as they always long for a glorious death on the battle fields82.
13.5. Ancestor Worship: It is a pre-historic practice as evidenced by the Neolithic and megalithic cultures. The practice of burying the used things by the dead along with their dead bodies or bones in urns, pits etc are followed by the ancient Tamils. Generally, a hole on the eastern side of the burial is left, just enough a man can enter with the belief that the soul may enter and leave through it. The belief in rebirth, cyclic nature of birth and death, and immorality are abundantly found in the literature83. All are mentioned in one poem: Grown is declined, declined is grown; born is dead, dead is born and born is dead again; the Moon teaches this wonderful philosophy even to illiterate man to understand the mortal nature of life.
14. A Comparison of Karanams and Samskaras: After discussing about the Karanams from birth to death, a comparison is made here with the Samskaras. The number of Samsklaras varies from ten to fifty two depending upon various traditions. Earlier sources contain ten starting with Garbadhana to Vivaha84.
Garbadhana (Sacrament of Impregnation).
Punsavana (the ceremony of procreation of vigorous child).
Simantinayana (the ceremony of keeping the mind of pregnant woman satisfied – parting off of her hair etc).
Jatakarma (ceremony of the newly born child).
Namakarma (ceremony of naming the child).
Annaprashana (ceremony of giving solid or cereal food to the child).
Chudakarma (tonsure and ceremony of tuft).
Upanayana (sacrament of thread).
Samavartana (returning home after studies).
Vivaha (sacrament of marriage).
In later lists, we find other Sasmksras, particularly that of death and yagnas are added. The question as to whether a few Samskaras were increased to have elaborate rituals or many Samskaras were reduced to have definite and limited numbers is a debatable one. Generally, it is found that South Indian tradition contain elaborate ceremonies for death and cremation. Later, slowly, the North Indian tradition appears to have incorporated these into their Samskara list. Swami Dayanana Saraswati strongly refutes that certain last rites followed are not consistent with Vedic rituals85. But, in South India, even in remote villages, after death and cremation / burial, the 13th day, 16th day ceremonies are elaborately performed irrespective of caster affiliations. The most popular list contains Sixteen Samskaras (mentioned as ‘Shodasa Samskaras’):
Garbadhana.
Pynsavana.
Simantonayana.
Jatakarma.
Namakarma.
Niskarma.
Annaprashna
Chudakarma.
Karnavedha
Upanayana.
Vedaambha.
Samavartana.
Vivaha.
Vanaprastha.
Sanyasa.
Antyasti.
The added six are shown underlined.
It can be seen that the underlined Samskaras are added ones to the earlier list. Then, another popular grouping id Forty Samskaras, as listed below86:
Garbadhana.
Punsavana.
Simantonayana.
Jatakarma.
Namakarma.
Annaprashna
Sausam.
Upanayana.
Vedavrathas
Prajapatya.
Saumya.
Aneya.
Vaisvedeva.
Samavartana.
Vivaha.
Pancha Yagnas
Brahma.
Deva.
Pitru.
Bhuta.
Manushya.
Paka Yagnas
Pitru sraddham.
Pavana.
Astaka.
Sravana.
Asveyuji.
Agrahayani.
Caitra.
Havir Yagnas.
Agni adhana.
Agnihotra.
Darsapurnamsa.
Agrahyana.
Caturmasya.
Nirudapasuband
Sautramani.
Soma Yagnas.
Agnistoma.
Adhyaknistoma.
Ukdhya.
Shodasi.
Vajpeya.
Atirata.
Aptoryama.
Thus, when we go through the lengthy list, it is evident that more importance is given to yagnas and connected rituals. Then, slowly importance is shifted to child birth and marriage at one end, and last rites at another end. Therefore, the Samskaras involving yagnas must have been the ancient ones than others, though all incorporate Vedic hymns for procedural methods, if we consider that Vedic rituals are Yagna-oriented. Then, the Samskaras involving child birth and marriage must have been ancient ones than others, if we consider that they are not yagna-oriented. Therefore, the sudden importance given to the elaborate last rites and their inclusion in the Samskaras list shows some influence occurred during that period.
14.2. The important point to be noted is that most of the writers on last rites in Sanskrit are from South India and the works are very much later dated than the Sangam literature. There are some practices, which were followed by the ancient Tamils are conspicuously found in the rituals of Brahmins. They are Kaimmai nonbu, Tali, Bride price, 21 yagnas and Nadukal.
Kaimmai: There aare many verses which clearly mention about the status of widows, who do not want to commit sati, but live with the following restrictions: shaving off hair, removal of bangles and other ornaments including Tali, eating tasteless food, bathing in cold water and sleeping on the floor.
Tali: Much importance is given to the Tali, which is the symbol of married life. There are many sects in south and mostly in North India, who do not wear any Tali, even after marriage. But, a Brahmin women, like any other Tamil women cannot think about the lose of Tali under any circumstance.
Bride price: The practice of giving bride-price for marrying off a woman is found symbolically in offering Tali and saree to her. Stridhana meaning woman’s property is sometimes unique in the sphere of inheritance, where woman alone has absolute and exclusive right to its possession, enjoyment, disposal and transfer.
21 Yagnas: As has been pointed out, the 21 yagnas are added with the 16 Samskaras with modification, popular South Indian 40 Samskaras have been evolved. The mention of 21 yagnas in Purananuru, just as in the Gautama Sutras is significant87.
Nadukal: For the preparation of Nadukal, six steps have been prescribed: 1. Selection of stone, 2. Chiselling, 3. Immersion in water (for cleaning), 4. Erection (at a place), 5. Engraving and 6. Paying homage (with offerings) 88. Surprisingly, very similar rites are followed by Brahmins even today on 10th day for the dead. The ceremony contains the following steps:
Selection stone,
Cleaning with water, milk etc.,
Seating on darpa (Kusa) grass and writing the name of death on it with the grass symbolically,
Pashana Sthapanam (stone fixing, one at the house and another on the banks of river or where rituals are conducted)
Invoking spirit to enter and
Offerings with Vastodharana (offering of dress) etc.
14.2. These examples clearly prove that Brahmins or such type of people of the ancient Tamizhagam must have contributed to the development of Samskaras pertaining to Last rites connected with cremation and the 21 yagnas. Or the Brahmins, who consciously follow these practices must have links with the ancient Tamizhagam and continue to practice such rites without break at least in some cases, in spite of the onslaught of modernism, atheism and anti-brahminism. Therefore, it is worthwhile to appreciate such existing cultural links in historical perspective and interpret the past. The evolurtion of fire worship must have influenced the practices of Karanams / Samskaras to incorporate the element of fire in the rituals leading to yagna oriented Samskaras. Now, in all Samskaras, fire and Vedic hymns are used. Therefore, when exactly fire was started to be used by the ancient Tamils may be another interesting study to be taken up.
Notes and References
“After the appearance of falsehood and immorality,
Iyer introduced the Karanam (sacrament)” – Tol. Porul. Karpiyal – 143.
The meaning of Karanam are:
] Manam = mind; the other meaning is ‘marriage’.
] Buddhi = intellect / reason.
] Siddhi = firmness / success.
] Shankaram = self-will.
] Bavam = state of being.
In short, it has similar meaning to “Sanskar”.
The other philosophical meanings are developed later with the development of Saiva Siddhanta.
Paripadal – 9: 14-16; Tol. Porul. Kalaviyal – 90; Tol. Porul. Karpiyal – 140;
Paditruppattu – 74: 17-21.
Ingurunuru – 251: 1-2.
Kadunchuzh ciruvan – Ing. 309:3.
Kadunchuzh magal – Ing. 386:4.
Ing.90:4; 405:4; 409:2; 442:5.
Agananuru – 6:13; 16:19; Kuruntogai – 8:6, 359:6.
Ing 403; Kalittoai – 75:23-25; 81:35..
Padi – 9:13-16.
Agananuru – 66:1-4.
Puram. 100:11.
Puram.82.
Kali. 29:1-4.
Puram.20:14.
Kuru.287:3-8.
Maduraikanchi. – lines 603-610.
Kali.110:14.
Puram.28:1-7.
Puram.312:1, Agam.35:1.
Puram.113:8-9.
Madu. Lines 609-615.
Ing.65:3-4.
Madu. Line.602; Natrinai. 380:1-6.
Nat.40:6-8; 370:1-5; 380:1-5.
Mad.line.615.
Nat.40:7-8.
Malaipadukadam. Line.253.
Ing.403; Kali.75:23-25; 81:35.
Kali.80:18-19; Puram. 160:22.
Kali.81:7; 82:2-3; 83:5-6; 84:2-5. Puram.160:19; 164:3-4; Natrinai.355:2; Ing.128.
Puram.77.
Kali. 77 to 80.
Pulippaaltali – Agam.54:18, 7:17; Kuru.161:3;
Cereal food – Nat.77:7-8; Agam.219:5-8 etc.
Pari.11:95-96; Pari.tirattu.10:1; Padi.86:11; Nat.16:9, 286:1-2.
N. Subramaniam, Sangam Polity, Ennes Publications, Madurai, 1980.
Padi.74:17-21.
Puram.312:2.
Puram.183.
Puram.183.
Puram.183; Tol.Porul.Agattinaiyiyal – 31, 33.
Tol.Porul.Agat. – 27,28.
Tanniradal: Kali.59:10-13; Pari.11:90-91, 11:134-139; Nat.22:6-7, 80:7; Kuru.196:4; Ing.84:4; Puram.70:6.
Puram.337l Nat.351:2.
Kollerukodal; Kali.99 to 105.
Puram.3365 to 340.
Bride price: Nat.300:5; puram.344, 366, 354; Ing. 253, 276, 147; Mullaikkali.3:71.
Puram.344, 336-343.
Puram.336,341.
Tol.Porul.Meipattiyal – 269.
Agam.86, 136.
Nat.300:10; Ing.253, 276, 147: Mullaikkali.3:71; Puram.344:3-4;
Agam.86,136.
Ing.399, 371-380.
Ing.379.
Agam.86, 136.
Padi.5:15; Puram.127, 261, 78:8-12; 224;15-17.
Agam.369:2, 385:11; Kurinchippattu lines 231-232.
57a. Ing.391 to 400.
Ing.394, 399.
Ing.394; Agam.397.
Kurunchikkali.26.
Kali.93:6-7; Puram.246:10-12; Puram.206.
Palaikkali.17.
Puram.191.
Puram.192.
Puram.194.
Puram.195.
Puram.239:20-21.
Puram.291, 359.
Agam.289:1-4; Puram.3:21-22, 264.
Puram.231:1-3, 238:1-5; 246:11-12, 356,259, 363 (crematory grounds).
Puram.238:1-5;, 228:12, 266:5, 364:13; Nat.27:11-12; Padi.44:22-33.
Agam.289:1-4; Puram.3:21-22, 264.
Archaeologists divide them into –
Cain circle
Dolmenoid cist.
Umbrella stone
Topikkal.
Rockcut cave.
Menhir.
Hero stones.
Urn.
Puram. 221, 260, 263, 264, 265, 329, 335.
Agam.35, 53, 67, 131, 179, 269, 289, 297, 298, 365.
Malaipadukadam lines 387-389; Ing. 352 (references about Nadukal).
Puram.260:22-28, 263:7-8, 265:1.
Puram.260:1-4.
As in.73, all references about nadukal;
God – Puram. 335:11-12, 265:4-5, 329:1-4; Agam.35:8-11.
Puram.6:4-5, 58:4-5.
Puram.234:2-6, 249:12-14, 360:17-20, 363:10-14.
Puram.18:19-23, 186:1-4.
Puram.166:8.
Puram.238:1-5.
S. P. Gupta, Disposal of the Dead and Physical Types in Ancient India, Oriental Publishers, New Delhi, 1972, p.217.
Puram.74:1-2, 93:7-11.
Puram.134:1-4, 214:6-13, 236:10-12, 245:4-7, 256, 356 to 363, 27:11-14, 31:2, 188; Nat.397:7-9.
Manu. II-26.
Swami Dayananda Saraswati, The Samskara Vidhi, Arya Pratinidhi Sabha, New Delhi, 1976, pp.342-43.
Gautama Dharma Sutra.VIII: 13-19.
According to modern estimates, the Sutra period falls within 4th to 6th centuries BCE and Sangam period 300- BCE to 300 CE. Those who emphasize about the influence of Sanskrit literature on Tamil literature should take important fact that most of such Sanskrit writers were from south. Particularly, Boudhayana Apastamba, whose Sraddha rituals are popular, are from south. He lived in Andhra area in those days. There are many references about the performance of yagnas and other performers in the Sangam literature. Parpar, Anthanar, Arutozhilalar, Aravor, Marayavar, Muppirinulor, Irupirappalar, Vedhiyar and other expressions are used to denote the persons connected with the rituals of Yagnas, Vedas and other fire-connected ceremonies.
Tol.Purattinaiyiyal.Sutra.60.
Similar steps are found in the Sangam literature as explained.
Thursday, April 13, 2006
Tali System in Sangam Age
A paper presented during the 52nd session of Indian History Congress
held at New Delhi from February 21-23, 1992.
Summary published in the proceedings, p.192.
1. Introduction: About the prevalence of the practice of tying Tali in the Sagam period, two divergent views have so far been expressed, one accepting it while the other denying it. But, scholars belonging to both categories rely only upon the verses of ancient Tamil literature and the commentaries written on them in later period. The former category approaches the issue only on the lines of Aryan-Dravidian controversy, with the implication that Aryans imposed their eight forms of marriage, connected rites and ceremonies including tying of Tali on Dravidians. The latter category too, of course proceeding on the concept of Aryanization of Dravidians, but, asserts that Tali was there in the Tamil society. A critical study is made in this paper to analyze the issue. Before that, it is imperative to understand the man-woman relationship of ancient Tamils to comprehend the processes that led to establishment of marriage as an essential institution of ancient Tamil society.
2. Kalaviyal and Karpiyal: From the ancient extant Tamil work Tolkappiyam, the Kalaviyal (order and conduct of clandestine love) and Karpiyal (order and conduct of open married life) are known. When Kalaviyal created many sociological problems or rather when it was misused and abused by men, Karanams or sacraments were introduced to discipline the erred men, Karpiyal was expounded and Karpu extolled. Karpu, the highest and exalted virtue of women, generally translated as chastity was considered as one of the five virtuous ornaments of Tamil women, with the introduction of sacrament of marriage and connected rituals and rites, marital life was established, defined and accepted.
2.1. Though, there were two forms of union of man and woman among Tamils – Kalavu and Karpu i.e, union in secrecy and union in open (as explained), Tolkappiyar under Agattinai grouped different forms of love and union and they are kakkilai, aintinai and peruntinai. Kakkilai or orutalaikamam was one sided love and there were three forms under this category1. The second group aintinai corresponds to the five natural divisions of land, i.e, kurinji, neydal, mullai, palai and marudam. The third group peruntinai deals with unequal and abnormal love matches, union of different varieties and their evil consequencies2. The last category was of violent nature leading to madalerudhal (riding on Palmyra branch for a horse), varaippaydal (giving up life for marriage) and other peculiar practices.
2.2. Karpiyal is definitely a form of marriage arranged by the parents of lovers and celebrated with ceremonies and rites. Perhaps, to overcome the problems of Kalaviyal, Karpiyal was developed to regulate love and union of man and woman. As there was degradation, as is evident from the verse of Tolkappiyam, the learned men had to introduce more sacraments to impose greater moral and social binding in the marital life.
3. ‘Karpu’ had been defined as the union of a man, who had traditional right or privilege to accept (a woman) and a woman, whose parents had inherited prerogative to give her (for marriage) with sacramental rites (karanams)3. Thus, karpu was the marrying off a girl with ceremonies to a man of status acceptable to the parents of both sides. Even, if a woman went along with her lover on her own accord to his place, where her parents did not have the privilege of giving her for marriage, karanam was made mandatory4. Though, the karanam was prescribed for the union of man and women of three higher categories of the ancient Tamil society, viz., Andanar (priests), Arasar (kings), and Vanigar (businessmen), there was a time when it was applicable to lower category, Vellalar (farmers)5. But, after the appearance of falsehood and immorality, Aiyer / Iyer introduced karanam (i.e, the most elaborate ceremonies of marriage)6. Here, ‘poi’ has been defined as the denial of clandestine love (kalvozhukkam) by man after having relation with her. ‘vazhu’ has been defined as the act of not only denying the clandestine love, but also forsaking her after leading an open domestic life for some time. Thus, the circumstances that necessitated the introduction of sacrament of marriage are explained in Tolkappiyam. The, naturally the external symbolism would have been formulated to differentiate married women from unmarried women, and such external signs used would have been solemnized before parents, elders and others to mark the consummation of the union of couple as evidence.
4. Marriage According to Sangam Literature: The words used to denote marriage are kadi, vadhuvai, manral and varai7. Agananuru verses 86 and 136 give the following details about marriage performed in the Sangam period. The married life is known as karpu in Agattinai. The parents of both bride and groom would agree for the marriage. It would be performed at an auspicious time on an auspicious day on which Moon and Rohini asterism were in conjunction. Time was early morning. The pandal (marriage shed) was constructed in front of the home, spreading white sand. It was decorated beautifully with festoons and garlands. Drums were beaten; lights lit and Gods worshipped. The bride was adorned suitably and brought there, after having a bath by elderly ladies. There was also a practice of ‘Silambu kazhi nonbu’ (anklet removing penance) before the marriage. However, not only unmarried women, but also married women were also wore anklets, as is evident from Kannagi and Kopperundevi. Elderly auspicious women brought water carrying on their heads. Four auspicious women blessed with children and with ‘auspicious ornament’ would enter the shed, showering flowers and paddy on the head of the bride and give her a bath. This bathing ceremony was known as ‘vadhuvai’. At that time, they would bless her to have a chaste life and she was always liked by her husband. The parents also gave their benediction to her. All who come for the marriage would be fed well. The same night the bride and groom would be left in a separate room.
5. Marriage According to Past-Sangam Literature: the details given by the post Sangam literature, the Tamil epics, are considered here. Silappadikaram portrays the marriage of Kovalan and Kannagi, who belonged to rich merchant families. Kovalan was sixteen and Kannagi twelve at the time of their marriage. The parents of them were eager to arrange for their marriages, on an auspicious day. Accordingly, the marriage date was fixed and intimated by auspicious women wearing ‘pride ornament’ (aniyizhai) sitting on elephants. On marriage day, drums and taboures were sounded; conch shells blown; white umbrellas taken out like King’s royal procession and “Mangala ani” was also taken along with the marriage procession.
5.1. The marriage hall was decorated suitably; the top of the mantapam with garlands, inside roof with blue silk cloth, inside which the marriage stage with pearls. The day was auspicious as both Moon and Rohini were in conjunction. Kannagi, who was compared with the unparalleled star of Arunthathi, because of her quality of chastity, was wedded with Kovalan with Vedic rites conducted by an old Parppan. The scene of circumambulation of the fire by the couple was marvelous for the assembled. With the above description, the propounders of the theory that there no Tali was tied during their marriage, assert that the Vedic rites were introduced by the Aryans only during the process of so called Aryanization of Dravidians. But, significantly, they coolly ignore the following details mentioned in the verses. In chapter 4, of Silappadikaram, it has been mentioned that Kannagi did not want to any other ornament other than “Mangala ani”8. Again in chapter.21, she was described as ‘vilangizhaiyal’, i.e, wearing renowned or glorious ornament9. Before marriage, “Mangala ani” was taken around during the procession; after marriage, it has been mentioned that she was wearing it and she was described as ‘vilangizhaiyal’. Therefore, without tying the “Mangala ani”, it could not have been adorning her neck. And none other than Kovalan could have tied it. Hence, just because the Tali tying ceremony was not mentioned, it cannot be said that such custom was not there. Perungathai, another Tamil work also specifies how the fire was kindled by an Andanan, who was well versed with traditional Vedic rites and how the groom went around it with grasping bride’s hand10. From the above, ii is evident that Tali system was there during post sangam period. Now, to examine whether such system was there during Sangam period, and the ornaments used by the ancient Tamil women should be subjected to critical analysis to find out whether they could be used as ‘Tali’.
6. External Symbolism: The ancient Tamil women were wearing various ornaments and jewels made of shell, stone, ceramic, glass, silver, gold and other materials. They include ear studs, bangles, bracelets, rings, necklaces, chains and others. Strings of pearls and “Pulippal Tali” were worn around the neck touching the breast11. Thin bangles were on the forearm and bracelets on the upper arm. Anklet, Silambu or Kinkini was worn on the feet and it was made of gold. Besides such ornaments for neck, ear, wrist, upper-arm, waist and feet, some specific ornaments were used and they were variously mentioned as Valizhai, Aniyizhai, Ayizhai, Ollizhai, Manizhai, Ilangizhai, Seyizhai, Pasizhai, Viralizhai, Teriyizhai, Nerizhai, Tirunthizhai, Punaiyizhai, Minnizhai, Vingizhai, Pulaiyizhai, Avirizhai, Vayangizhai, Chudarizhai and Nunagizhai in Sangam literature. Here, the important key word is “Izhai” and it is used with various adjectives qualifying its nature. It may be mentioned that significance is attached to the wearing and removal od Silambu or anklet and there was a specific function during Sangam age known as “Silambu kazhi nonbu”, i.e, the ‘anklet removing penance’. Anklets were worn by women since childhood and removed, when they attained puberty or at the time of marriage. Such function was known as ‘Silanbu kazhi nonbu’. However, it should be mentioned that married women too wore anklets and hence it might not have been categorically used to differentiate married women from unmarried women. Therefore, the significance of “Izhai” has to be analyzed.
7. Discussion about ‘Izhai’: the word ‘Izhai’ as a noun refers to a thread, jewel or a lady bedecked with jewels and as a verb its meaning is ‘associate, intimate, agree to and consent to’. Now, let us consider the different connotation of it with various adjectives as mentioned above:
Sl.No
Expression
Meaning
1
Valizhai
Young, pure or white ornament
2
Aniyizhai
Layered, orderly, beautiful or pride ornament
3
Ayizhai
An important or choice ornament; women
4
Ollizhai
Bright, good, excellent or beautiful ornament
5
Manizhai
Glorious, great or splendid ornament
6
Ilangizhai
Young or lengthy ornament
7
Seyizhai
A lady bedecked with jewels, woman
8
Pasizhai
Green coloured ornament
9
Viralizhai
Great ornament
10
Teriyizhai
A lady bedecked with jewels
11
Nerizhai
A lady bedecked with jewels
12
Tirunthizhai
Great or pride ornament
13
Punaiyizhai
Decorated, beautiful or new ornament; A lady bedecked with jewels
14
Minnizhai
Lightening or sparkling ornament
15
Vingizhai
Thick ornament
16
Pulaiyizhai
Thin ornament
17
Avirizhai
Bright ornament
18
Vayangizhai
Shining ornament or anklet (Silambu)
19
Chudarizhai
Bright (glowing like flame) ornament
20
Nunagizhai
Accurate, thin, fine or elegant ornament.
Of the above Teriyizhai and Neriyizhai are used to denote ‘a lady dedecked with jewels’. Ayizhai and Punaiyizhai denote woman with ornaments, besides the usual meaning of beautiful or new ornament. Other Izhais denote to special ornament according to its characteristic.
8. ‘Izhai’ represents what?: The above expressions and their meanings have been taken from the ancient Tamil literature. To know exactly what ‘Izhai’ represents, the various expressions used in the respective contexts have to be considered.
Paditruppattu describes how the women who lost their husbands removed their ‘Valiyizhai’ i.e, young, pure or white ornaments (5:15).
Purananuru depicts how the wives of Cholan Karikal Peruvalavan removed their ‘Izhai’, when he died, just like Vengai tree (pterocarpus bilobus) which shed its leaves appearing naked (224: 15-17).
Puram also explains about women with ‘Izhai’ which could not be gifted away. The expression used is “Igayariya Izhai” (127).
Again it describes the women who lost the right of wearing auspicious ornament as “Kazhikala Magaru” (261). This poem accounts how the wife of Kariyadhi, a friend of Avur Mulangizhar followed ‘Kaimmai nonbu’ (the penance of widowhood), after removing ornaments.
Four women, who were wearing ‘Valiyizhai’ and begotten with sons would bless the bride during the marriage as follows: “Without deviating from the quality of chastity, obtaining good benefits of life, earn name for the parents” (136: 11-18).
The bride with ‘Izhaiyani’ (Izhai itself mentioned as ornament) and sweating, was presented to the groom (Agam: 136: 11-18).
The hero entered the house like a thief, for whom his lady-love with ‘Tirunthizhai’ was waiting during the midnight, while their begotten son and mother were sleeping (Natrinai. 40:5-11).
The women with ‘Olizhai’ have been described as traditional wives (Kalittogai. 122: 16,17).
The hero married his lady-love with ‘Tirunthizhai’ on her soft shoulders after making a pledge before sea god that “he would be separated from her” (Kalittogai. 131: 1-2).
A wife has been described as the woman with ‘Seyizhai’ and embodiment of chastity (Purananuru. 3-6).
It is said that there may be redemption for the act of aborting pregnant women with ‘Maniyizhai’ i.e, glorious, great or splendid ornament (Puram. 34: 2,4).
The Pandiya king, Talaiyalanganattu Cheru Venra Nedunjezhiyan defeated his enemies. As he did not want to kill them before their women with ‘Maniyizhai’, he drew them to their native place and killed them. Their women therefore died with shame (Puram. 78: 8-12).
Perisattanar, while blessing the sons of Pandiyan Ilaventhigai Pallittunjiya Nanmaran, exalted his wife as the embodiment of chastity like god and ‘Seyizhai’ i.e, with young or lengthy ornament (Puram.198: 1-5).
Madurakanchi specifies that women were with golden ‘Izhai’ and bangles (444-446).
The hero addresses her lay-love as beautiful lady with ‘Valizhai’ i.e, young, pure or white ornament (Natrinai. 76: 5).
The old city blames the lady-love as the glorious ‘Izhai’ (Valizhai) on her shoulders became loosened or slipped down. The practice was that the Izhai should be worn properly around the neck touching the heart of the lady, who wears it (Natrinai. 85: 2,3).
From the above specific references of Sangam literature, it is very evident that ‘Izhai’ and its other forms refer to an auspicious and important ornament that is nothing but Tali or Mangala Ani (Mangala sutra), though not such words were used in the ancient Tamil literature. It should be noted that the women who have been depicted above were all married with sons and described as auspicious women. No doubt, during marriage, as depicted in Agananuru, the tying of ‘Izhai’ is not mentioned, but its removal at the time oif death of husbands has been mentioned not only in Agananuru itself, but also in other Sangam literature, as has been pointed out above. Definitely, without tying ‘Izhai around the neck of a woman, it could not have been possible for her or there was no necessity to remove after the death of her husband, unless it was considered as so dear to her as auspicious and unifying symbol of husband and wife relationship in ancient Tamil society. The woman, who followed Kaimmai nonbu to avoid sati, also would not have been asked to remove it, if ‘Izhai’ had not represented Tali or Mangala Ani (Manga sutra).
9. Marriage, Izhai, Tiruvalluvar: Though, Tirukkural is considered a post-Sangam work, it clearly embraces Tolkappiyam in principles. It not only glorifies the social acceptance of one man-one woman concept of marriage, but also the virtue of chastity. He has largely followed Tolkappiyar under the two main divisions of Kamattuppal (the nature of love) as Kalavu and Karpu. This confirms that in his times, the customs had not changed and the institutions re-established remained the same as that of ancient period of Tamils. It is well known that Tiruvalluvar does not mention anything and everything in the same place, but in various places with implied meaning. And if he repeats any point in the same place or at different place, it is not that he actually repeats, but implies another meaning. With the background of his couplets on Kalavu and Karpu read with Ilvazhkkai (domestic life), Piranil Vizhaiyamai (not coveting other’s wife), Penvazhiseral (following of woman) and Varaivin magalir (women, who do not come under the purview of marriage), the status marriage and connected issues can be understood. Valluvar refers to a married woman as ‘Varaiyal’12, married man ‘Mananthar’13 and the marriage day ‘Manantha nal’14. Except, ‘Varaiyal’, other references are found in Karpiyal.
9.1. Coming to ‘Izhai’, he uses the following expressions Maniyizhai, Aniyizhai, Seyizhai, Ayizhai and Oliyizhai, with the following meanings:
Sl.No.
Expression
Meaning
1
Maniyizhai
A lady wearing a glorious or auspicious ornament
2
Aniyizhai
A lady wearing an ornament
3
Seyizhai
A lady wearing a glorious or auspicious ornament
4
Ayizhai
A lady wearing a bright ornament
5
Oliyizhai
A lady wearing a choice or important ornament
Under ‘Varavin magalir’(women, who do not come under the purview of marriage), he describes such women as ‘Varaivila Maniyizhaiyal’ i,e, unmarries women wearing glorious or auspicious ornament. In the entire chapter, he accounts the characters and evil consequences for having relations with ‘Varaivil magalir’ or prostitutes. It is very evdent to note as to why the prostitutes, who do not come under the purview of marriage, wear Maniyizhai or auspicious ornament. Tiruvalluvar clearly distinguishes this, when he uses the expression ‘Manzhai’ to the lady-love in the chapter of ‘Nalampunainthuraittal’ (the eulogy of heroine by hero), where she has been described as the lady with glorious or auspicious ornament, but this chapter comes under Kalaviyal. Therefore, during the period of Tiruvalluvar or the evolution of the social process as depicted by him, Izhai, particularly, Manizhai represented ali or Mangala sutra. This is confirmed by the other expressions. After co-habitation, the hero addresses his lady-love as ‘Seyizhai. While appreciating the highest character of love, he calls her as ‘Ayizhai’. And heroine enjoys in explaining their union, with their friend, where she has been characterized as ‘Olizhai’.
10. A careful study of evolution of marriage, sacraments and connected symbolism as gleaned from the ancient Tamil literature (Sangam), Tolkappiyam and Tirukkural, the consistency and the underlying unity of such social processes can be observed. From the evolution of social processes, even the chronology of the verses and Tamil works may be considered, as the ancient Tamil literature / ‘Sangam’ literature is nothing but a compilation of poems written by various poets belonging to various periods. Even though, generally, they fall within the period 300 BCE to 300 CE, as has been accepted by the majority of scholars, definitely, there are poems belonging to earlier and as well as latter periods. The archaeological evidences recovered so far, such as beads, ear studs, bangles, rings, chains and other ornaments made of stone, clay, conch, glass, silver and gold clearly tally with the description of the literature, dating back to 1000 BCE.
10.1. The culture, heritage and civilization represented by such poems would definitely give a mosaic picture in the present order. Therefore, while determining the sociological processes evolved, utmost care must be taken to arrange them chronologically consistent with other factors. When the poems themselves are not arranged chronologically, the social panorama obtained from such interpretation with linguistic and racial bias cannot project a correct picture about the ancient Tamils.
10.2. Just because a particular social aspect, act or process is not mentioned, but its consequences are described elsewhere in the literature, it does not mean that such practice was not prevalent. Conversely, just because certain peculiar practices are not named, but adapted and adopted, it cannot be decided that such customs were also not present. For example, Tolkappiyar talks about four category of division of Tamil society, but the categories have been named as Andanar, Arasar, Vanigar and Vellalar and not as Bramans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras. The practice of self-immolation of widows is mentioned, but it is not named as ‘Sati’. The same trend is found in the entire Sangam literature. Karanam was not known as ‘Tirumanam’ / marriage, but mentioned variously as Kadi, Vadhuvai, Manral and Varai. Similarly, Tali were known as ‘Izhai’, with its other forms. Tali system was thus present during the periods of Tolkappiyam, Tirukkural and Sangam literature, and adapted and adopted with karanams. And it was considered by Tamil women not only as an auspicious ornament, but also as an integral part and parcel of perfected married life.
Notes and References
1. (a). A lover approaches an immature (Pedai) or mature (Perumpedai) girl to express his love.
(b). The lovers are equally anxious for union, but is postponed.
(c). ‘Kollerukodal’ or ‘Erukodal’ is marrying off the girl to the person who wins down a rude bull.
2. These divisions are compared to 1. Brahma, 2. Daiva, 3. Arsa, 4. Prajapatya, 5. Asura, 6. Gandhara, 7. Rakshasa and 8. Paisaca. Tolkappiyar under Kalaviyal specifically mentions about this division as “maraiyor deyattu manral ettanul” (120).
3. Tolkappiyam – Karpiyal – 190.
4. Ibid. 191.
5. Ibid. 192.
6. Ibid. 193.
7. Kadi-Agananuru-136; Vadhuvai-Ibid-166; Kadimagal-Ibid-244-5; Manral-Tolkappiyam-Kalaviyal-120.
8. ‘Mangala Ani’ – Silappathikaram - Madurai kandam-21:46 and 4:20.
‘Vilangizhaiyal’-Silappathikaram-Madurai kandam-21:46.
9. Perungathai-2:3; 9-14; 2:3:108-119.
10. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar, History of Tamils, Madras, 1929, p. 225.
He opined that when poetry first arose among the kuravar the bards naturally sang about the pre-nuptial lovers of hill-chieftains and the presenting their mistresses with leaf-garments (tazhai udai) and the teeth of the tigers which the hill-chiefs killed in the chase; these teeth were strung together and worn hanging from the neck and called ‘Pulippaltali’ from which in later times was evolved the gold tali.
11. Tirukukural-120.
12. Ibid-1221, 1226.
13. Ibid-1223.
14. Ibid-919, 1102, 1110, 1114, 1124, 1329.
A paper presented during the 52nd session of Indian History Congress
held at New Delhi from February 21-23, 1992.
Summary published in the proceedings, p.192.
1. Introduction: About the prevalence of the practice of tying Tali in the Sagam period, two divergent views have so far been expressed, one accepting it while the other denying it. But, scholars belonging to both categories rely only upon the verses of ancient Tamil literature and the commentaries written on them in later period. The former category approaches the issue only on the lines of Aryan-Dravidian controversy, with the implication that Aryans imposed their eight forms of marriage, connected rites and ceremonies including tying of Tali on Dravidians. The latter category too, of course proceeding on the concept of Aryanization of Dravidians, but, asserts that Tali was there in the Tamil society. A critical study is made in this paper to analyze the issue. Before that, it is imperative to understand the man-woman relationship of ancient Tamils to comprehend the processes that led to establishment of marriage as an essential institution of ancient Tamil society.
2. Kalaviyal and Karpiyal: From the ancient extant Tamil work Tolkappiyam, the Kalaviyal (order and conduct of clandestine love) and Karpiyal (order and conduct of open married life) are known. When Kalaviyal created many sociological problems or rather when it was misused and abused by men, Karanams or sacraments were introduced to discipline the erred men, Karpiyal was expounded and Karpu extolled. Karpu, the highest and exalted virtue of women, generally translated as chastity was considered as one of the five virtuous ornaments of Tamil women, with the introduction of sacrament of marriage and connected rituals and rites, marital life was established, defined and accepted.
2.1. Though, there were two forms of union of man and woman among Tamils – Kalavu and Karpu i.e, union in secrecy and union in open (as explained), Tolkappiyar under Agattinai grouped different forms of love and union and they are kakkilai, aintinai and peruntinai. Kakkilai or orutalaikamam was one sided love and there were three forms under this category1. The second group aintinai corresponds to the five natural divisions of land, i.e, kurinji, neydal, mullai, palai and marudam. The third group peruntinai deals with unequal and abnormal love matches, union of different varieties and their evil consequencies2. The last category was of violent nature leading to madalerudhal (riding on Palmyra branch for a horse), varaippaydal (giving up life for marriage) and other peculiar practices.
2.2. Karpiyal is definitely a form of marriage arranged by the parents of lovers and celebrated with ceremonies and rites. Perhaps, to overcome the problems of Kalaviyal, Karpiyal was developed to regulate love and union of man and woman. As there was degradation, as is evident from the verse of Tolkappiyam, the learned men had to introduce more sacraments to impose greater moral and social binding in the marital life.
3. ‘Karpu’ had been defined as the union of a man, who had traditional right or privilege to accept (a woman) and a woman, whose parents had inherited prerogative to give her (for marriage) with sacramental rites (karanams)3. Thus, karpu was the marrying off a girl with ceremonies to a man of status acceptable to the parents of both sides. Even, if a woman went along with her lover on her own accord to his place, where her parents did not have the privilege of giving her for marriage, karanam was made mandatory4. Though, the karanam was prescribed for the union of man and women of three higher categories of the ancient Tamil society, viz., Andanar (priests), Arasar (kings), and Vanigar (businessmen), there was a time when it was applicable to lower category, Vellalar (farmers)5. But, after the appearance of falsehood and immorality, Aiyer / Iyer introduced karanam (i.e, the most elaborate ceremonies of marriage)6. Here, ‘poi’ has been defined as the denial of clandestine love (kalvozhukkam) by man after having relation with her. ‘vazhu’ has been defined as the act of not only denying the clandestine love, but also forsaking her after leading an open domestic life for some time. Thus, the circumstances that necessitated the introduction of sacrament of marriage are explained in Tolkappiyam. The, naturally the external symbolism would have been formulated to differentiate married women from unmarried women, and such external signs used would have been solemnized before parents, elders and others to mark the consummation of the union of couple as evidence.
4. Marriage According to Sangam Literature: The words used to denote marriage are kadi, vadhuvai, manral and varai7. Agananuru verses 86 and 136 give the following details about marriage performed in the Sangam period. The married life is known as karpu in Agattinai. The parents of both bride and groom would agree for the marriage. It would be performed at an auspicious time on an auspicious day on which Moon and Rohini asterism were in conjunction. Time was early morning. The pandal (marriage shed) was constructed in front of the home, spreading white sand. It was decorated beautifully with festoons and garlands. Drums were beaten; lights lit and Gods worshipped. The bride was adorned suitably and brought there, after having a bath by elderly ladies. There was also a practice of ‘Silambu kazhi nonbu’ (anklet removing penance) before the marriage. However, not only unmarried women, but also married women were also wore anklets, as is evident from Kannagi and Kopperundevi. Elderly auspicious women brought water carrying on their heads. Four auspicious women blessed with children and with ‘auspicious ornament’ would enter the shed, showering flowers and paddy on the head of the bride and give her a bath. This bathing ceremony was known as ‘vadhuvai’. At that time, they would bless her to have a chaste life and she was always liked by her husband. The parents also gave their benediction to her. All who come for the marriage would be fed well. The same night the bride and groom would be left in a separate room.
5. Marriage According to Past-Sangam Literature: the details given by the post Sangam literature, the Tamil epics, are considered here. Silappadikaram portrays the marriage of Kovalan and Kannagi, who belonged to rich merchant families. Kovalan was sixteen and Kannagi twelve at the time of their marriage. The parents of them were eager to arrange for their marriages, on an auspicious day. Accordingly, the marriage date was fixed and intimated by auspicious women wearing ‘pride ornament’ (aniyizhai) sitting on elephants. On marriage day, drums and taboures were sounded; conch shells blown; white umbrellas taken out like King’s royal procession and “Mangala ani” was also taken along with the marriage procession.
5.1. The marriage hall was decorated suitably; the top of the mantapam with garlands, inside roof with blue silk cloth, inside which the marriage stage with pearls. The day was auspicious as both Moon and Rohini were in conjunction. Kannagi, who was compared with the unparalleled star of Arunthathi, because of her quality of chastity, was wedded with Kovalan with Vedic rites conducted by an old Parppan. The scene of circumambulation of the fire by the couple was marvelous for the assembled. With the above description, the propounders of the theory that there no Tali was tied during their marriage, assert that the Vedic rites were introduced by the Aryans only during the process of so called Aryanization of Dravidians. But, significantly, they coolly ignore the following details mentioned in the verses. In chapter 4, of Silappadikaram, it has been mentioned that Kannagi did not want to any other ornament other than “Mangala ani”8. Again in chapter.21, she was described as ‘vilangizhaiyal’, i.e, wearing renowned or glorious ornament9. Before marriage, “Mangala ani” was taken around during the procession; after marriage, it has been mentioned that she was wearing it and she was described as ‘vilangizhaiyal’. Therefore, without tying the “Mangala ani”, it could not have been adorning her neck. And none other than Kovalan could have tied it. Hence, just because the Tali tying ceremony was not mentioned, it cannot be said that such custom was not there. Perungathai, another Tamil work also specifies how the fire was kindled by an Andanan, who was well versed with traditional Vedic rites and how the groom went around it with grasping bride’s hand10. From the above, ii is evident that Tali system was there during post sangam period. Now, to examine whether such system was there during Sangam period, and the ornaments used by the ancient Tamil women should be subjected to critical analysis to find out whether they could be used as ‘Tali’.
6. External Symbolism: The ancient Tamil women were wearing various ornaments and jewels made of shell, stone, ceramic, glass, silver, gold and other materials. They include ear studs, bangles, bracelets, rings, necklaces, chains and others. Strings of pearls and “Pulippal Tali” were worn around the neck touching the breast11. Thin bangles were on the forearm and bracelets on the upper arm. Anklet, Silambu or Kinkini was worn on the feet and it was made of gold. Besides such ornaments for neck, ear, wrist, upper-arm, waist and feet, some specific ornaments were used and they were variously mentioned as Valizhai, Aniyizhai, Ayizhai, Ollizhai, Manizhai, Ilangizhai, Seyizhai, Pasizhai, Viralizhai, Teriyizhai, Nerizhai, Tirunthizhai, Punaiyizhai, Minnizhai, Vingizhai, Pulaiyizhai, Avirizhai, Vayangizhai, Chudarizhai and Nunagizhai in Sangam literature. Here, the important key word is “Izhai” and it is used with various adjectives qualifying its nature. It may be mentioned that significance is attached to the wearing and removal od Silambu or anklet and there was a specific function during Sangam age known as “Silambu kazhi nonbu”, i.e, the ‘anklet removing penance’. Anklets were worn by women since childhood and removed, when they attained puberty or at the time of marriage. Such function was known as ‘Silanbu kazhi nonbu’. However, it should be mentioned that married women too wore anklets and hence it might not have been categorically used to differentiate married women from unmarried women. Therefore, the significance of “Izhai” has to be analyzed.
7. Discussion about ‘Izhai’: the word ‘Izhai’ as a noun refers to a thread, jewel or a lady bedecked with jewels and as a verb its meaning is ‘associate, intimate, agree to and consent to’. Now, let us consider the different connotation of it with various adjectives as mentioned above:
Sl.No
Expression
Meaning
1
Valizhai
Young, pure or white ornament
2
Aniyizhai
Layered, orderly, beautiful or pride ornament
3
Ayizhai
An important or choice ornament; women
4
Ollizhai
Bright, good, excellent or beautiful ornament
5
Manizhai
Glorious, great or splendid ornament
6
Ilangizhai
Young or lengthy ornament
7
Seyizhai
A lady bedecked with jewels, woman
8
Pasizhai
Green coloured ornament
9
Viralizhai
Great ornament
10
Teriyizhai
A lady bedecked with jewels
11
Nerizhai
A lady bedecked with jewels
12
Tirunthizhai
Great or pride ornament
13
Punaiyizhai
Decorated, beautiful or new ornament; A lady bedecked with jewels
14
Minnizhai
Lightening or sparkling ornament
15
Vingizhai
Thick ornament
16
Pulaiyizhai
Thin ornament
17
Avirizhai
Bright ornament
18
Vayangizhai
Shining ornament or anklet (Silambu)
19
Chudarizhai
Bright (glowing like flame) ornament
20
Nunagizhai
Accurate, thin, fine or elegant ornament.
Of the above Teriyizhai and Neriyizhai are used to denote ‘a lady dedecked with jewels’. Ayizhai and Punaiyizhai denote woman with ornaments, besides the usual meaning of beautiful or new ornament. Other Izhais denote to special ornament according to its characteristic.
8. ‘Izhai’ represents what?: The above expressions and their meanings have been taken from the ancient Tamil literature. To know exactly what ‘Izhai’ represents, the various expressions used in the respective contexts have to be considered.
Paditruppattu describes how the women who lost their husbands removed their ‘Valiyizhai’ i.e, young, pure or white ornaments (5:15).
Purananuru depicts how the wives of Cholan Karikal Peruvalavan removed their ‘Izhai’, when he died, just like Vengai tree (pterocarpus bilobus) which shed its leaves appearing naked (224: 15-17).
Puram also explains about women with ‘Izhai’ which could not be gifted away. The expression used is “Igayariya Izhai” (127).
Again it describes the women who lost the right of wearing auspicious ornament as “Kazhikala Magaru” (261). This poem accounts how the wife of Kariyadhi, a friend of Avur Mulangizhar followed ‘Kaimmai nonbu’ (the penance of widowhood), after removing ornaments.
Four women, who were wearing ‘Valiyizhai’ and begotten with sons would bless the bride during the marriage as follows: “Without deviating from the quality of chastity, obtaining good benefits of life, earn name for the parents” (136: 11-18).
The bride with ‘Izhaiyani’ (Izhai itself mentioned as ornament) and sweating, was presented to the groom (Agam: 136: 11-18).
The hero entered the house like a thief, for whom his lady-love with ‘Tirunthizhai’ was waiting during the midnight, while their begotten son and mother were sleeping (Natrinai. 40:5-11).
The women with ‘Olizhai’ have been described as traditional wives (Kalittogai. 122: 16,17).
The hero married his lady-love with ‘Tirunthizhai’ on her soft shoulders after making a pledge before sea god that “he would be separated from her” (Kalittogai. 131: 1-2).
A wife has been described as the woman with ‘Seyizhai’ and embodiment of chastity (Purananuru. 3-6).
It is said that there may be redemption for the act of aborting pregnant women with ‘Maniyizhai’ i.e, glorious, great or splendid ornament (Puram. 34: 2,4).
The Pandiya king, Talaiyalanganattu Cheru Venra Nedunjezhiyan defeated his enemies. As he did not want to kill them before their women with ‘Maniyizhai’, he drew them to their native place and killed them. Their women therefore died with shame (Puram. 78: 8-12).
Perisattanar, while blessing the sons of Pandiyan Ilaventhigai Pallittunjiya Nanmaran, exalted his wife as the embodiment of chastity like god and ‘Seyizhai’ i.e, with young or lengthy ornament (Puram.198: 1-5).
Madurakanchi specifies that women were with golden ‘Izhai’ and bangles (444-446).
The hero addresses her lay-love as beautiful lady with ‘Valizhai’ i.e, young, pure or white ornament (Natrinai. 76: 5).
The old city blames the lady-love as the glorious ‘Izhai’ (Valizhai) on her shoulders became loosened or slipped down. The practice was that the Izhai should be worn properly around the neck touching the heart of the lady, who wears it (Natrinai. 85: 2,3).
From the above specific references of Sangam literature, it is very evident that ‘Izhai’ and its other forms refer to an auspicious and important ornament that is nothing but Tali or Mangala Ani (Mangala sutra), though not such words were used in the ancient Tamil literature. It should be noted that the women who have been depicted above were all married with sons and described as auspicious women. No doubt, during marriage, as depicted in Agananuru, the tying of ‘Izhai’ is not mentioned, but its removal at the time oif death of husbands has been mentioned not only in Agananuru itself, but also in other Sangam literature, as has been pointed out above. Definitely, without tying ‘Izhai around the neck of a woman, it could not have been possible for her or there was no necessity to remove after the death of her husband, unless it was considered as so dear to her as auspicious and unifying symbol of husband and wife relationship in ancient Tamil society. The woman, who followed Kaimmai nonbu to avoid sati, also would not have been asked to remove it, if ‘Izhai’ had not represented Tali or Mangala Ani (Manga sutra).
9. Marriage, Izhai, Tiruvalluvar: Though, Tirukkural is considered a post-Sangam work, it clearly embraces Tolkappiyam in principles. It not only glorifies the social acceptance of one man-one woman concept of marriage, but also the virtue of chastity. He has largely followed Tolkappiyar under the two main divisions of Kamattuppal (the nature of love) as Kalavu and Karpu. This confirms that in his times, the customs had not changed and the institutions re-established remained the same as that of ancient period of Tamils. It is well known that Tiruvalluvar does not mention anything and everything in the same place, but in various places with implied meaning. And if he repeats any point in the same place or at different place, it is not that he actually repeats, but implies another meaning. With the background of his couplets on Kalavu and Karpu read with Ilvazhkkai (domestic life), Piranil Vizhaiyamai (not coveting other’s wife), Penvazhiseral (following of woman) and Varaivin magalir (women, who do not come under the purview of marriage), the status marriage and connected issues can be understood. Valluvar refers to a married woman as ‘Varaiyal’12, married man ‘Mananthar’13 and the marriage day ‘Manantha nal’14. Except, ‘Varaiyal’, other references are found in Karpiyal.
9.1. Coming to ‘Izhai’, he uses the following expressions Maniyizhai, Aniyizhai, Seyizhai, Ayizhai and Oliyizhai, with the following meanings:
Sl.No.
Expression
Meaning
1
Maniyizhai
A lady wearing a glorious or auspicious ornament
2
Aniyizhai
A lady wearing an ornament
3
Seyizhai
A lady wearing a glorious or auspicious ornament
4
Ayizhai
A lady wearing a bright ornament
5
Oliyizhai
A lady wearing a choice or important ornament
Under ‘Varavin magalir’(women, who do not come under the purview of marriage), he describes such women as ‘Varaivila Maniyizhaiyal’ i,e, unmarries women wearing glorious or auspicious ornament. In the entire chapter, he accounts the characters and evil consequences for having relations with ‘Varaivil magalir’ or prostitutes. It is very evdent to note as to why the prostitutes, who do not come under the purview of marriage, wear Maniyizhai or auspicious ornament. Tiruvalluvar clearly distinguishes this, when he uses the expression ‘Manzhai’ to the lady-love in the chapter of ‘Nalampunainthuraittal’ (the eulogy of heroine by hero), where she has been described as the lady with glorious or auspicious ornament, but this chapter comes under Kalaviyal. Therefore, during the period of Tiruvalluvar or the evolution of the social process as depicted by him, Izhai, particularly, Manizhai represented ali or Mangala sutra. This is confirmed by the other expressions. After co-habitation, the hero addresses his lady-love as ‘Seyizhai. While appreciating the highest character of love, he calls her as ‘Ayizhai’. And heroine enjoys in explaining their union, with their friend, where she has been characterized as ‘Olizhai’.
10. A careful study of evolution of marriage, sacraments and connected symbolism as gleaned from the ancient Tamil literature (Sangam), Tolkappiyam and Tirukkural, the consistency and the underlying unity of such social processes can be observed. From the evolution of social processes, even the chronology of the verses and Tamil works may be considered, as the ancient Tamil literature / ‘Sangam’ literature is nothing but a compilation of poems written by various poets belonging to various periods. Even though, generally, they fall within the period 300 BCE to 300 CE, as has been accepted by the majority of scholars, definitely, there are poems belonging to earlier and as well as latter periods. The archaeological evidences recovered so far, such as beads, ear studs, bangles, rings, chains and other ornaments made of stone, clay, conch, glass, silver and gold clearly tally with the description of the literature, dating back to 1000 BCE.
10.1. The culture, heritage and civilization represented by such poems would definitely give a mosaic picture in the present order. Therefore, while determining the sociological processes evolved, utmost care must be taken to arrange them chronologically consistent with other factors. When the poems themselves are not arranged chronologically, the social panorama obtained from such interpretation with linguistic and racial bias cannot project a correct picture about the ancient Tamils.
10.2. Just because a particular social aspect, act or process is not mentioned, but its consequences are described elsewhere in the literature, it does not mean that such practice was not prevalent. Conversely, just because certain peculiar practices are not named, but adapted and adopted, it cannot be decided that such customs were also not present. For example, Tolkappiyar talks about four category of division of Tamil society, but the categories have been named as Andanar, Arasar, Vanigar and Vellalar and not as Bramans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras. The practice of self-immolation of widows is mentioned, but it is not named as ‘Sati’. The same trend is found in the entire Sangam literature. Karanam was not known as ‘Tirumanam’ / marriage, but mentioned variously as Kadi, Vadhuvai, Manral and Varai. Similarly, Tali were known as ‘Izhai’, with its other forms. Tali system was thus present during the periods of Tolkappiyam, Tirukkural and Sangam literature, and adapted and adopted with karanams. And it was considered by Tamil women not only as an auspicious ornament, but also as an integral part and parcel of perfected married life.
Notes and References
1. (a). A lover approaches an immature (Pedai) or mature (Perumpedai) girl to express his love.
(b). The lovers are equally anxious for union, but is postponed.
(c). ‘Kollerukodal’ or ‘Erukodal’ is marrying off the girl to the person who wins down a rude bull.
2. These divisions are compared to 1. Brahma, 2. Daiva, 3. Arsa, 4. Prajapatya, 5. Asura, 6. Gandhara, 7. Rakshasa and 8. Paisaca. Tolkappiyar under Kalaviyal specifically mentions about this division as “maraiyor deyattu manral ettanul” (120).
3. Tolkappiyam – Karpiyal – 190.
4. Ibid. 191.
5. Ibid. 192.
6. Ibid. 193.
7. Kadi-Agananuru-136; Vadhuvai-Ibid-166; Kadimagal-Ibid-244-5; Manral-Tolkappiyam-Kalaviyal-120.
8. ‘Mangala Ani’ – Silappathikaram - Madurai kandam-21:46 and 4:20.
‘Vilangizhaiyal’-Silappathikaram-Madurai kandam-21:46.
9. Perungathai-2:3; 9-14; 2:3:108-119.
10. P. T. Srinivasa Iyengar, History of Tamils, Madras, 1929, p. 225.
He opined that when poetry first arose among the kuravar the bards naturally sang about the pre-nuptial lovers of hill-chieftains and the presenting their mistresses with leaf-garments (tazhai udai) and the teeth of the tigers which the hill-chiefs killed in the chase; these teeth were strung together and worn hanging from the neck and called ‘Pulippaltali’ from which in later times was evolved the gold tali.
11. Tirukukural-120.
12. Ibid-1221, 1226.
13. Ibid-1223.
14. Ibid-919, 1102, 1110, 1114, 1124, 1329.
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